The Routledge Handbook of Theoretical and Experimental Sign Language Research

Cover
Endorsement
Half Title
Series Information
Title Page
Copyright Page
Table of contents
Figures
Tables
Contributors
Preface
Editors’ acknowledgments
Notational conventions
Abbreviations of non-manual markers
Sign language acronyms
1 Sign language phonology: Theoretical perspectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Basic units and constraints
1.2.1 Handshape
1.2.2 Orientation
1.2.3 Location
1.2.4 Movement types
1.2.5 Two-handed signs
1.3 Signs as single segments
1.4 What about syllable structure?
1.5 Rules
1.5.1 Grammatical phonology and utterance phonology
1.5.2 Why do sign languages lack a grammatical phonology?
1.6 Iconicity
1.6.1 Discrete iconicity and gradual iconicity
1.6.2 Gradual iconicity
1.6.3 Incidental discrete iconicity
1.6.4 Recurrent discrete iconicity
1.7 Concluding remarks
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
2 Phonological comprehension: Experimental perspectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Perceptual sign language characteristics
2.3 Categorical perception
2.4 Linguistic experience
2.5 Acquisition perspectives
2.6 Coarticulatory effects
2.7 Conclusion
References
3 Lexical processing in comprehension and production: Experimental perspectives
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Deafness, plasticity, and the language network
3.3 Sign processing
3.3.1 Signs vs. body movements and gestures
3.3.2 A few notes about lexical access in comprehension and production
3.3.3 Lexicality, lexical frequency, and semantic effects in sign comprehension
3.3.4 Sign production
3.3.5 Iconicity: the link between meaning and form
3.4 Processing of lexical signs: sublexical units
3.4.1 Comprehension
3.4.2 Production
3.5 Cross-linguistic influences on sign language processing: bimodal bilingualism
3.6 Conclusion
References
4 Prosody: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Theoretical description
4.2.1 The prosodic hierarchy
4.2.2 The syllable and mora
4.2.3 Prosodic word
4.2.4 Phonological phrase
4.2.5 Intonational phrase
4.2.6 Relationship between syntactic and prosodic structure
4.3 Experimental studies
4.3.1 Perception of prosody
4.3.2 Acquisition
4.3.3 Emergence of prosodic structure
4.3.4 Neurolinguistic studies
4.4 Future directions: the relationship between audio-visual prosody and sign language prosody
4.5 Summary and conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
5 Verb agreement: Theoretical perspectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Properties of agreement in sign languages
5.2.1 Agreement markers
5.2.2 Verb classes and agreement
5.2.3 Agreement auxiliaries
5.2.4 Non-manual agreement
5.3 Theoretical analyses
5.3.1 Thematic approaches
5.3.2 Syntactic approaches
5.3.2.1 Foundations of a syntactic approach
5.3.2.2 Generative syntactic analyses
5.3.2.3 Clitic analysis
5.4 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
6 Verb agreement: Experimental perspectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 The acquisition of verb agreement
6.3 Verb agreement tested with offline methods
6.3.1 Agreement tested in reaction time studies
6.3.2 Agreement tested in eye tracking studies
6.4 Verb agreement tested with online methods
6.4.1 ERP studies on sign language agreement – a morphosyntactic analysis
6.4.2 ERP studies on sign language agreement – an alternative analysis
6.5 Conclusion
Notes
References
7 Classifiers: Theoretical perspectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Typology of classifiers in sign languages
7.3 Verb root/stem analysis
7.4 Noun incorporation analysis
7.5 Analyses in terms of agreement
7.5.1 Analyses within the framework of Distributed Morphology
7.5.1.1 Classifiers as agreement markers
7.5.1.2 Gender agreement
7.5.1.3 Root compounds
7.5.2 Agreement analysis and argument structure
7.5.2.1 Projection of a verbal classifier phrase
7.5.2.2 Classifiers as heads of functional projections
7.5.2.3 Transitive-transitive alternation based on instrumental classifiers
7.5.2.4 Cross-linguistic variation: data from HKSL and TJSL
7.6 Syntactic structure of classifier predicates is built upon event structure
7.7 Semantic analyses of classifier predicates
7.8 Conclusion
Notes
References
8 Classifiers: Experimental perspectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Acquisition of classifiers
8.2.1 Classifier constructions in L1 acquisition
8.2.2 L2 acquisition of classifier constructions
8.3 Gesture and classifier constructions
8.4 Psycholinguistic studies
8.5 Neurolinguistic studies
8.5.1 Studies with brain-damaged participants
8.5.2 Brain imaging studies
8.6 Discussion
8.7 Summary and conclusion
Notes
References
9 Aspect: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
9.1 Theoretical foundations of aspect
9.1.1 Lexical aspect (Aktionsart/event structure)
9.1.2 Grammatical aspect
9.2 Viewpoint aspect in sign languages
9.2.1 Free aspectual markers
9.2.2 Bound markers of aspect
9.3 Event structure and reference time representation in sign languages
9.3.1 Markers of event structure
9.3.2 Experimental investigations of aspect and event structure in sign languages
9.4 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
10 Determiner phrases: Theoretical perspectives
10.1 Introduction
10.2 Building nouns
10.3 Building… determiner phrases?
10.3.1 Sign languages and the NP/DP parameter
10.3.2 The categorial status of pointing signs
10.4 Word order patterns
10.5 Possessives
10.6 Conclusion
Notes
References
11 Content interrogatives: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
11.1 Introduction
11.2 Theoretical perspectives
11.2.1 Positions of the interrogative signs and the leftward/rightward controversy
11.2.1.1 Doubling constructions
11.2.1.2 Single sentence-initial interrogative signs
11.2.1.3 Single sentence-final interrogative signs
11.2.1.4 Role of the non-manual markers
11.2.1.5 Long-distance extraction of interrogative signs
11.2.1.6 Sentence-final interrogative signs undergoing focus movement
11.2.1.7 A linearization account for wh-doubling constructions in Libras
11.2.1.8 Clefted question analyses
11.2.1.8.1 Interrogatives with single sentence-final interrogative signs in ASL
11.2.1.8.2 Wh-Doubling constructions in LIS
11.2.1.9 ‘No movement’ analysis
11.2.1.10 Accounts for the contrast between sign and spoken languages
11.2.2 Question particles as clause-typers
11.2.3 Form and functions of non-manual marking in content interrogatives
11.2.3.1 Markers of the scope of the [+wh] operators
11.2.3.2 Functions of individual non-manual markers
11.2.4 Multiple wh-questions
11.2.5 Embedded content interrogatives
11.2.5.1 Embedded content interrogatives as complement clauses
11.2.5.2 Rhetorical questions, wh-clefts, or question-answer clauses?
11.3 Experimental perspectives
11.3.1 Acquisition of content interrogatives
11.3.2 Emergence of content interrogatives in a homesign system
11.3.3 Emergence of grammatical non-manual markers for content interrogatives in young sign languages
11.3.4 Processing of content interrogatives
11.4 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
12 Negation: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
12.1 Introduction
12.2 Theoretical perspectives
12.2.1 Position of negation in the clause structure
12.2.1.1 The Final-Over-Final Constraint
12.2.1.2 SOV sign languages in light of the FOFC
12.2.1.3 SVO sign languages in light of the FOFC
12.2.1.4 Other distributions of negation in a sentence and the FOFC
12.2.2 Non-manual markers
12.2.3 Formal approaches to typological issues
12.2.3.1 Goodwin (2013): a formal syntactic typology based on where [+neg] occurs
12.2.3.2 Pfau (2016): a formal syntactic typology based on feature values
12.3 Experimental perspectives
12.3.1 Acquisition of negation by Deaf children learning ASL
12.3.2 Negation in a homesign system
12.3.3 Neurolinguistic evidence
12.4 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
13 Null arguments and ellipsis: Theoretical perspectives
13.1 Introduction
13.2 Earlier work on null arguments in sign languages
13.2.1 Null arguments in spoken languages
13.2.2 Lillo-Martin (1986) on null arguments in American Sign Language
13.2.3 Neidle et al. (1996, 2000) on null arguments in American Sign Language
13.3 VP ellipsis in sign languages
13.4 The ellipsis analysis of null arguments
13.5 Conclusion
Notes
References
14 Null arguments: Experimental perspectives
14.1 Introduction
14.2 Psycholinguistic studies with adults
14.3 Acquisition studies
14.3.1 Acquisition of null arguments – syntactic factors (Deaf native signers)
14.3.2 Null and overt arguments in reference tracking (Deaf and hearing native signers)
14.3.3 Adult L2 learners
14.4 Discussion and conclusion
Notes
References
15 Relative clauses: Theoretical perspectives
15.1 Introduction: the cross-linguistic investigation of relative constructions
15.2 Syntactic typologies of relativization
15.2.1 Internally-headed relative clauses
15.2.1.1 Properties of internally-headed relative clauses
15.2.1.2 Some diagnostic tests for IHRCs
15.2.1.3 Theoretical accounts of IHRCs
15.2.2 Externally-headed relative clauses
15.2.2.1 Properties of externally-headed relative clauses
15.2.2.2 Some diagnostic tests for EHRCs
15.2.2.3 Theoretical accounts of EHRCs
15.2.3 Free relatives
15.2.3.1 Properties of free relatives
15.2.3.2 Some diagnostic tests for FRs
15.2.3.3 Theoretical accounts of FRs
15.2.4 Correlative clauses
15.2.4.1 Properties of correlative clauses
15.2.4.2 Some diagnostic tests for correlatives
15.2.4.3 Theoretical accounts of correlatives
15.3 Semantic typologies of relativization
15.3.1 Restrictive relative clauses
15.3.1.1 Properties of restrictive relative clauses
15.3.1.2 Some diagnostic tests for RRCs
15.3.1.3 Theoretical accounts of RRCs
15.3.2 Non-restrictive (or appositive) relative clauses
15.3.2.1 Properties of non-restrictive relative clauses
15.3.2.2 Some diagnostic tests for NRRCs
15.3.2.3 Theoretical accounts of NRRCs
15.4 Topics and relative clauses
15.5 Conclusions
Notes
References
16 Role shift: Theoretical perspectives
16.1 Introduction
16.2 Role shift and sentential complementation
16.3 Attitude and action role shift
16.4 Non-manual marking and point-of-view operators
16.5 Context-shifting operators and indexicals
16.6 Gestural demonstrations
16.7 Multiple perspectives
16.8 Conclusion: role shift and modality
Notes
References
17 Use of sign space: Experimental perspectives
17.1 Introduction
17.2 Overview of the use of space and associated sign types
17.2.1 Abstract use of space
17.2.2 Topographic use of space
17.2.3 Overlap between abstract and topographic use of space
17.2.4 Analysis of signs that use space meaningfully
17.3 Research questions and debates arising from the use of space
17.4 Linguistic processing of referent-location associations
17.4.1 Co-reference processing
17.4.2 Processing of topographic vs. abstract use of space
17.4.2.1 Behavioral evidence
17.4.2.2 Neuroimaging evidence
17.4.3 Morphemic vs. analogue processing of location
17.5 Use of space
17.5.1 Locative expression
17.5.2 Signing perspective and viewpoint
17.6 The acquisition of spatial language in sign languages
17.7 Spatial language and spatial cognition
17.8 Conclusion
Notes
References
18 Specificity and definiteness: Theoretical perspectives
18.1 Introduction
18.2 Manual and non-manual marking
18.2.1 Lexical determiners and non-manual marking
18.2.2 Order of signs within the noun phrase
2.3 Modulations in signing space
18.3 Types of definiteness and specificity
18.3.1 Definiteness: familiarity and uniqueness
18.3.2 Specificity: scope, epistemicity, and partitivity
18.4 Discussion and concluding remarks
Notes
References
19 Quantification: Theoretical perspectives
19.1 Introduction
19.2 Lexical quantifiers
19.2.1 D-quantification
19.2.2 A-quantification
19.3 Quantificational morphology
19.4 Structural aspects of quantification
19.4.1 Tripartite structures of quantification
19.4.2 Scopal interactions
19.4.3 Quantifiers and space
19.5 Conclusions
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
20 Implicatures: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
20.1 Formal pragmatics and the theory of implicature
20.2 Experimental investigations of implicatures
20.3 Scalar implicatures in the sign modality
20.4 Scalar implicatures based on conjunction/disjunction in ASL
20.5 Acquisition of scalar implicatures: theory
20.6 Scalar implicature and age of first language acquisition: experiment
20.7 Other implicatures based on modality
20.8 Conclusions
References
21 Discourse anaphora: Theoretical perspectives
21.1 Setting the stage
21.2 The same system
21.2.1 Syntax
21.2.2 Semantics
21.2.3 Summary: pronouns in sign language and spoken language
21.3 How is space encoded?
21.3.1 Variables or features?
21.3.2 Spatial syncretisms
21.3.3 Pictorial loci
21.4 Dynamic semantics
21.4.1 Background on dynamic semantics
21.4.2 E-type theories of cross-sentential anaphora
21.4.3 Sign language contributions
21.4.4 Dynamic semantics of plurals
21.5 Conclusion
Notes
References
22 Discourse particles: Theoretical perspectives
22.1 Introduction
22.2 Discourse regulation
22.3 Coherence
22.4 Modal meaning
22.5 Conclusion
Notes
References
23 Logical visibility and iconicity in sign language semantics: Theoretical perspectives
23.1 Introduction
23.2 Logical Visibility I: visible variables
23.2.1 Variable Visibility
23.2.2 Loci as variables
23.2.3 Individual, time and world variables
23.2.4 Variables or features – or both?
23.3 Logical Visibility II: beyond variables
23.3.1 Role shift as visible context shift
23.3.1.1 Basic data
23.3.1.2 Typology: ‘Mixing of Perspectives’ vs. ‘Shift Together’
23.3.1.3 Further complexities
23.3.2 Aspect: visible event decomposition
23.4 Iconicity I: iconic variables
23.4.1 Introduction
23.4.2 Embedded loci: plurals
23.4.3 High and low loci
23.5 Iconicity II: beyond variables
23.5.1 Classifier constructions
23.5.2 Event visibility or event iconicity?
23.5.3 Iconic effects in role shift
23.6.1 Plural pronouns
23.6.2 High loci
23.6.3 Role shift20
23.6.4 Telicity
23.6 Theoretical directions
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
24 Non-manual markers: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
24.1 Introduction
24.1.1 Overview of argumentation and testing claims
24.1.2 Overview of the chapter
24.2 Historical development of the treatment of NMMs
24.2.1 Background on NMM analysis
24.3 The interaction of syntax, semantics, and prosody
24.4 Analyses of NMMs that present challenges to prosodic analyses
24.4.1 Syntactic approaches
24.4.2 Semantics
24.4.2.1 An explanation for the alternative spreading domain for brow raise in ASL
24.4.2.2 Information structure (focus) and marking syntactic derivations with prosody
24.4.2.3 A closer look at the full variety of head positions and movements
24.5 Evaluation
24.6 Experimental perspectives
24.6.1 Acquisition of NMMs
24.6.1.1 Earliest use of signs and face
24.6.1.2 Grammaticalized NMMs for syntactic purposes
24.6.2 NMMs and sign production
24.6.2.1 Trying to speak and sign at the same time
24.6.2.2 Signing rate effects on NMMs
24.6.2.3 Motion capture of NMM
24.6.3 Perception of NMMs
24.6.3.1 Eye-tracking of NMMs
24.6.3.2 Neural processing of NMMs
24.7 Summary and conclusion
Notes
References
25 Gesture and sign: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
25.1 Introduction
25.2 The visual modality in spoken language
25.2.1 Forms and functions of gestures in language
25.2.2 Role of gesture in language processing
25.2.2.1 Production
25.2.2.2 Comprehension
25.2.3 Conclusions: gesture
25.3 Sign language and language modality
25.3.1 Modality-independent and modality-dependent aspects of sign languages
25.3.1.1 Phonology
25.3.1.2 Morphology and syntax
25.3.2 Iconic and gestural elements in sign language
25.3.2.1 Iconicity
25.3.2.2 Representation of motion events in sign and gesture
25.4 Sign language, gesture, and the brain
25.4.1 Brain activation during language processing
25.4.2 Atypical signers
25.4.3 Gesture and sign processing contrasted: brain studies
25.5 Conclusions: sign language
Notes
References
26 Information structure: Theoretical perspectives
26.1 Introduction
26.2 Information structure: description and formalization
26.2.1 Strategies for topic marking
26.2.2 Strategies for focus marking
26.2.3 Information structure and the left periphery
26.3 Information structure in the visual-gestural modality: new directions
26.3.1 Focus and prominence
26.3.2 Contrast
26.3.3 Question-answer pairs
26.3.4 Doubling
26.3.5 Buoys and related strategies
26.4 Experimental research
26.5 Conclusions
Notes
References
27 Bimodal bilingual grammars: Theoretical and experimental perspectives
27.1 Introduction
27.2 Definitions: bilinguals and bimodal bilinguals
27.3 Development3
27.3.1 Separation
27.3.2 Cross-linguistic influence: the BiBiBi project
27.4 Simultaneity and blending
27.4.1 Cross-language activation: experiments
27.4.2 Code-blending
27.4.2.1 Classifications
27.4.2.2 Correlations
27.4.2.3 When does blending occur: the Language Synthesis model and beyond
27.5 Conclusion
Notes
References
28 Language emergence: Theoretical and empirical perspectives
28.1 Introduction
28.2 Theoretical accounts
28.2.1 Structure from the mind/biology
28.2.2 Structure from cultural processes
28.2.3 Structure from acquisition processes
28.3 Experimental evidence
28.3.1 Child learners and adult learners are different: evidence from artificial language learning in the laboratory
28.3.2 From a pidgin to a creole through language acquisition processes
28.3.3 When the output surpasses the input: evidence for child learning mechanisms
28.3.4 Language creation by child isolates: the case of homesign
28.3.5 Structure from human cognition: gestural language creation in the laboratory
28.3.6 Intergenerational transmission introduces structure
28.3.7 Emerging sign languages: NSL and ABSL
28.3.7.1 Word order in ABSL
28.3.7.2 Word order in NSL
28.3.7.3 Word order in gestural language creation
28.3.7.4 Discussion: is one word order the default?
28.3.8 Spatial agreement/morphology
28.3.8.1 Spatial agreement/morphology in ABSL
28.3.8.2 Spatial agreement/morphology in NSL
28.3.8.3 Discussion
28.3.9 Summary of ABSL and NSL and future directions
28.4 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
Notes
References
29 Working memory in signers: Experimental perspectives
29.1 Introduction
29.2 The architecture of phonological STM for a visuospatial language
29.3 Modality effects in phonological STM
29.3.1 Evidence from serial recall tasks
29.3.2 The role of recall direction
29.3.3 Different stages of STM processing: encoding, rehearsal, and recall
29.3.4 The role of serial maintenance
29.4 Evidence from other linguistic and symbolic WM measures
29.5 Modality effects in visuospatial WM?
29.6 Beyond modality-specific storage and recall
29.7 So where does this leave the experimental study of WM in signers?
29.7.1 Participant considerations
29.7.2 Task considerations
29.7.3 The role of WM in sign language processing
29.8 Conclusion
Acknowledgments
References
Index