Chapter XIII.
PROMISCUITY AND INDIVIDUAL MARRIAGE
Individual marriage regarded as an economic relation, and not originally associated with claims to exclusive sexual possession, pp. i sq. ; retrospective extension of the claims a late development, p. 2 ; freedom as regards sexual relations unrestricted before marriage in most uncultured societies, p. 2 and note, pp. 2-13 ; theory of innate sentiments of regard for chastity, pp. 3-16.
Alleged instances of the observance of chastity before marriage among primitive peoples, pp. 16-64.—Irrelevant examples adduced by Dr. Westermarck, pp. 16-29; chastity often observed by married women after availing themselves of pre-nuptial freedom, pp. 17-19; unmarried girls guarded against intercourse with Europeans or with alien tribes, pp. 19-21; protection of unmarried women against rape, pp. 21-23; pre-nuptial freedom not inconsistent with a reserved and modest demeanour, pp. 23 sq.; absence of pre-nuptial children no evidence of pre-nuptial chastity ; prevalence of infanticide and of abortion, pp. 25-29; examination of instances adduced by Dr. Westermarck in illustration of the observance of chastity before marriage, pp. 29-64; Aleuts, pp. 29 sq.; Eskimo and tribes of Alaska, p. 30; North American Indians, pp. 30-36; South American tribes, pp. 36 sq.; Africa, pp. 38-42; Guanches, pp. 42 sq.; Asia, pp. 43-48; tribes of the Malay Peninsula, pp. 48 sq.; Micronesia and the Philippines, pp. 49-51 ; New Guinea, pp. 51-53; Melanesia, pp. 53-56; Polynesia, pp. 56 sq.; Australia, pp. 57-64.
Effects of contact with Europeans, pp. 64-69.—Decay of primitive codes of sexual conduct among the North American Indians, pp. 64 sq.; social organisation and traditional customs of uncultured peoples not ascribable to European influence, pp. 65 sq.; alleged influence of Europeans on the Australian aborigines, pp. 66 sq.: effects of European influence on the natives of Polynesia, pp. 67 sq.; of Micronesia, p. 68; of India, ibid.; of Africa, pp. 68 sq.
Difficulty of distinguishing between marriage and other sexual relations, pp. 69-88.—Individual marriage not intended to establish sexual relations, which are unrestricted before, p. 69 ; pre-nuptial sexual freedom not regarded by many peoples as an avenue to marriage, pp. 70 sq.; trial-marriage, pp. 73 sq.; marriage difficult to distinguish among many peoples from transient relations, pp. 74 sq. ; Dr. Westermarck's definition of marriage, p. 75; difficulty of the distinction illustrated from the usages of the North American Indians, pp. 75-78 ; transient
and unstable character of individual marriage among uncultured peoples, pp. 78-83; the birth of children may have a stabilising effect on marriage, and often regarded as constituting marriage, pp. 84-86; the instability of marriage relations often not affected by the birth of children, pp. 86-88.
The juridic conception of marriage, pp. 88-96.—The formation of a new group, or family consisting of father, mother, and children not regarded as the test of marriage, pp. 88-90 ; relation established between the father and the mother's family independent of association, pp. 90-93; the father often named after the child, pp. 90 sq.; distinction drawn by uncultured peoples between marriage and other sexual relations, founded upon juridic grounds and not upon the fact of cohabitation, pp. 93-95; extra-connubial relations not originally illicit, but tending, from being looked upon as unfounded on a juridic basis, to become regarded as illegal, pp. 95 sq.
Chapter XIV.
PRIMITIVE JEALOUSY AND LOVE
Masculine jealousy in uncultured races, pp. 97-112.—The effects of masculine jealousy upon sexual customs dependent upon the nature of the claims in regard to which the sentiment operates, p. 97; confusion arising from misconception of the nature of sexual j ealousy among animals, pp. 97 sq.; sexual jealousy having reference to the risk of losing women more pronounced in primitive than in civilised conditions, pp. 98 sq.; inconsistent statements concerning jealousy among primitive peoples, pp. 99 sq.; no reference in the jealousy of primitive males to exclusive possession or to particular individuals who are the object of desire; the sentiment aroused by fear of abduction, not of seduction, pp. 100 sq.; angry feelings produced by loss of a woman allayed by the presentation of another woman or of the means of obtaining one, pp. 101-104; jealousy aroused by risks of desertion or abduction resulting from unsanctioned intercourse, pp. 104-107; women concealed from strangers owing to fear of abduction, pp. 107 sq.; primitive jealousy exemplified from its manifestations among the Fuegians, pp. 109 sq.; among the Australian aborigines, pp. 110-112.
Prevalent indifference as regards connubial fidelity, pp. 112-117.
Primitive duels, pp. 117-120.—Difference between masculine jealousy among animals and in primitive humanity, owing to guarantees against loss obtainable in social organisations, p. 117 ; no scramble for the possession of females among the members of primitive societies, pp. 118-120; orderly character of contests between rival males, ibid.
Varied manifestations of primitive jealousy, pp. 120-129.—Jealousy appeased by guarantees of reciprocity, pp. 120 sq.; claims in regard to connubial fidelity vary among allied peoples according to established usage, pp. 121-125; jealousy manifested by despots and chiefs, pp. 125-127; resentment aroused by persistent infidelity, pp. 127 sq.; the sentiment of honour, pp. 128 sq.
Penalties for adultery, pp. 129-138.—Failure to recognise adultery as a punishable offence, and light punishments legally inflicted for the offence, while incest is severely punished, opposed to the hypothesis that the family and not the clan was the primitive unit of society, pp. 129 sq.; impulsive acts of vengeance not as frequent as reported, p. 130; homicide of a lover by injured husband not generally countenanced, pp. 130 sq.; statements that adultery is punishable with death often misleading, pp. 132-134; fines imposed on adulterers, sometimes used as a means of exploitation, pp. 134-136; other offences on the part of the wife regarded as more serious than adultery, p. 136; marital claims to exclusive possession not generally supported by primitive jurisprudence and tribal law, pp. 136-138.
Sexual emotion, pp. 138-143.—Sexual jealousy currently understood to connote individual choice and attraction, p. 138 ; variety in the forms of sexual emotion in different cultures dependent upon the fact that those manifestations are effects of the repression of natural instincts, p. 139; those manifestations not possible where the operation of those instincts is not subject to repression, pp. 139 sq.; the repression of the sexual instincts at puberty in European society, the source of manifestations of romantic passion and of vices unknown in primitive societies, p. 140; the concentration of sexual emotion upon one individual an effect of the restrictions connected with monogamic marriage in European society, pp. 140 sq.; absence of those conditions in primitive society, pp. 141 sq.; absence of love-poetry among uncultured peoples, pp. 142 sq.
Suicide among primitive races, pp. 143-149.—Suicide from frivolous motives prevalent in lower cultures, ibid ; suicide from motives of revenge, pp. 144-146; suicide due to erotic motives equally impulsive, p. 146; most recorded instances have reference to desire to escape from an objectionable suitor, pp. 147 sq.; remarkable absence of instances of suicide from disappointed attachment, p. 149; elopements in primitive society likewise unconnected with passionate attachment, p. 149.
Primitive love, pp. 149-152.—Improbability of the existence of highly developed romantic sentiments in primitive mankind, p. 150; individual attraction and desire probably found in uncultured societies, but destitute of depth or stability, ibid.; uncultured peoples eminently disposed to non-sexual affection, p. 151 ; post-nuptial affection arising from prolonged association, ibid.; not associated with sexual instincts or with jealousy, pp. 151 sq.; sexual love among Oriental peoples mostly physical, p. 152; no synthesis between sexual instincts and other sentiments, ibid.
Late marriage, pp. 152-157.—Mating attachment usually developed as a result of prolonged cohabitation, pp. 152 sq. ; marriage often entered into, or stabilised in relatively mature years and when sexual life is on the wane, pp. 153-157
Sexual selection and standards offeminine beauty, pp. 157—163.—Indifference to beauty shown by uncultured peoples in the choice of a wife, pp. 157 sq.; old women married by young men and often preferred, pp. 158-160; feminine beauty probably estimated by primitive peoples by standards similar to our own, but regarded with comparative indifference, p. 160; utilitarian and coarse characters equally appreciated, pp. 160 sq.; admiration for obesity, pp. 161-163; preference for pendulous breasts and other deformities, p. 163.
Economic grounds for sexual selection, pp. 164-167.—Preference and selection as regards a wife chiefly determined by considerations of economic utility, pp. 164-166; indisposition to marry resulting from changed economic conditions in Africa, pp. 166 sq.
Chapter XV.
THE SELECTION OF A HUSBAND AND THE ACQUISITION OF A WIFE
Marriage proposals by women, pp. 168-176.—Initiative in propositions of marriage taken by the women in primitive societies, pp. 168-174; the procedure a rule in matriarchal societies, pp. 173 sq.; reasons for its coming to be regarded with disapproval in patriarchal societies, pp. 174 sq.; marriage as an economic association, of more advantage to the women than to the men in primitive matriarchal societies, pp. 175 sq.
Love of adornment greater in primitive males than in females, pp. 176-181.—Ornamental display characteristic of males among animals, p. 176; the biological rule reversed in civilised, holds good in primitive societies, pp. 176-181.
Women's choice determined by economic considerations, pp. 181-186.—Choice of a male partner determined by his efficiency as a hunter or as a warrior, pp. 181 sq.; such 'manly' qualities in general the foundation of feminine admiration, p. 182; preference for refined and effeminate men occasionally found in certain societies, pp. 182 sq.; capacity to supply animal food the usual test of the merits of a suitor in hunting societies, pp. 183 sq.; homicide as a necessary qualification for a suitor, pp. 184-186; head-hunting, pp. 185 sq.
Tests of endurance at initiation and marriage ceremonies, pp. 187-208.—Confluent purposes of initiation ceremonies, p. 187; tests of endurance a universal feature of those ceremonies, ibid.; severe character of the tests, pp. 187-195; dancing as a test of endurance, pp. 195 sq.; tatuing as a test of endurance, pp. 196 sq.; tests of endurance apparently not imposed in view of the general interests of the community, pp. 197-199; absence of regular systems of training or education in primitive societies, pp. 197-199; tests universally regarded as a condition of, and as an avenue to, marriage, p. 199 ; sometimes form part of preliminaries to marriage, pp. 199-201; their original purpose may have been to test the suitability of young men as husbands, p. 201; brides offered as prizes in competitive contests, pp. 202-207; bride-racing, pp. 207 sq.; 'showing-off' as a mode of courtship, p. 208.
Marriage by service, pp. 209-212 .—The rendering of services the most primitive mode of acquiring a wife, p. 209; service sometimes takes the form of a competition, ibid.; service required of the suitor even where he is able to offer liberal payment, pp. 209 sq.; the service often of no utilitarian benefit, but calculated to test the qualifications of the suitor, pp. 209-211; marriage by service the earliest form of individual marriage contract, pp. 211 sq.
Marriage by purchase, pp. 212-229.—General prevalence of the usage in advanced societies, pp. 212 sq.; 'purchase' in marriage transactions not equivalent to what is connoted among Europeans by the term, pp. 213-226 ; absence of the notion of commercial traffic in many uncultured societies, pp. 213-218; marriage by purchase substituted for marriage by service, p. 218; the usage supported by the women, who take a pride in the price paid for them, pp. 219-221; occasional degeneration of the usage by assimilation to slave-traffic, pp. 221-223; uniform bride-price fixed by law or usage, p. 223 ; gifts of equal or greater value given by the bride's family, pp. 224-226; transaction not regarded as a sale, pp. 224-226; 'purchase' a commutation of service, pp. 226-228; purchase of slave-girls as a mode of evading matrilocal marriage, pp. 228 sq.
Marriage by capture, pp. 230-250.—Hypothesis that it was once the most usual mode of obtaining wives, p. 230 ; no clear instance of marriage by capture as the habitual mode of obtaining wives among primitive peoples, pp.230-235 ; the customary capture of women not practicable as a normal mode of acquiring them, pp. 233-235 ; women captured in warfare usually distinguished from regular wives, pp. 233 sq.; abduction of individual women, pp. 235 sq. ; the procedure attended with the same drawbacks as a cause of incessant warfare as the whole sale capture of women, p. 236; prearranged or formal elopement often mistaken for forcible capture, pp. 236 sq.; widespread usages of ceremonial or simulated capture, pp. 237-240; improbability of ceremonial capture being a reminiscence of capture of women in hostile raids, p. 240; attempted interpretation of the usages by reference to sentiments of modesty, pp. 240-242; or as a magical protection against supernatural dangers, pp. 242 sq.; usages of simulated violence associated with the practice of actual violence or elopement, p. 243; with bargaining over the bride-price, and ceasing on its payment, pp. 244 sq.; no simulated violence in matrilocal marriage or where no bride-price is paid, pp. 245 sq. ; ceremonial violence probably connected with transition from matrilocal to patrilocal usages, pp. 245-247; resistance and distress, real or simulated, of the bride or her relatives also associated with change from matrilocal to patrilocal marriage, p. 247; 'Lifting the bride over the threshold,' pp. 247-250; unsatisfactory interpretations of the usage, p. 248; probably connected with the final step in the transfer of the bride to her husband's home, pp. 249 sq.; widespread ceremonial survivals of 'marriage by capture' indicative of the former prevalence of matrilocal marriage rather than of the acquisition of women by capture, p. 250; the change to patrilocal usage due to economic conditions rather than to violence, ibid.
Chapter XVI.
THE SOCIAL EVOLUTION OF MONOGAMIC MARRIAGE
The development of higher agriculture marks the transition between primitive tribal society and civilisation, and the final change in the relative position of the sexes, p. 251; purchasing power acquired by men through the ownership of cattle enables them to acquire many wives,
p. 251; persistence of matriarchal conditions where no pastoral
stage has preceded agricultural civilisation, pp. 251 sq.; no pronounced
pastoral or extensive agricultural phase in primitive Europe; conse
quent persistence of matriarchal conditions, pp. 252 sq.; transfer of
econo mic production to the men, and consequent loss of economic
power by women; their sexual value alone left, pp. 254 sq.; object
of marriage in archaic Europe mainly the acquisition of landed property
transmitted in the female line, pp. 255 sq. ; importance attached to
monogamic customs in European tradition, and detestation of poly
gamy, pp. 256 sq.; no grounds for the distinction in primitive
society, p. 257.
Absence of jealousy amongst women of polygamous families, pp. 257-260.—Testimonies as to the harmony between wives in polygamous families, pp. 257-260; sources of quarrels mainly economic, p. 260; women the chief supporters of polygamy, wives added to the household at their request, pp. 261-263 ; modifications of feminine jealousy brought about by the economic conditions of monogamic societies, pp. 263 sq.
Polygamy not condemned outside European countries, pp. 264-267.—Polygyny the biological rule, pp. 264 sq. ; grounds of European objection to polygamy not understood, p. 265 ; polygamy regarded as meritorious and enhancing the esteem in which a man is held, pp. 265-267; polygamy not prohibited by law until the sixth century of the Christian era, p. 267.
Limitations of polygyny, pp. 267-276.—Limit to the number of wives sometimes imposed by tribal custom, but not to the extent of monogyny, pp. 267-269; difference between the terms 'monogyny' and 'monogamy,' p. 269; monogamy not implied by monogynous customs, and monogyny not a character of monogamous institutions, pp. 269-271; monogyny usually attended with promiscuity or frequent changes of wives: successive polygyny, pp. 270 sq.; limitations of polygyny by economic conditions, pp. 271-274; the poor usually monogynous, pp. 271 sq.; the bulk of the population usually monogynous in civilised polygamous countries, pp. 272 sq.; difficulties of economic maintenance of large families in hunting societies ; marriage rare among some, pp. 272 sq.; condition of forest tribes particularly unfavourable to polygyny, pp. 273 sq. ; degree of polygyny almost exclusively governed by economic factors, p. 274; hypothesis as to the effects of the relative proportion of the sexes on degree of polygyny, p. 274; statistical fallacies as to degree of prevalence of polygyny, p. 275; effects of modern conditions on Oriental peoples and on uncultured races, pp. 275 sq.
Alleged instances of primitive monogamic institutions, pp. 276-306.—The occurrence of monogyny greatly exaggerated, pp. 276 sq.; examination of examples adduced by Dr. Westermarck, pp. 277-302; polygamy general in North America, pp. 277-279; erroneous statements and uncertain reports concerning South American tribes, pp. 279-286; erroneous report of monogamy among the Guanches, pp. 286 sq.; monogamy of some Tuareg and Berber tribes of the Sahara, pp. 287-289; erroneous reports of monogamy in India, pp. 289 sq.; and in the Philippines, pp. 290-293; forest tribes of the Malay Peninsula not known to have monogamic institutions, pp. 293-295 ; misleading reports concerning the Andaman Islanders, pp. 295 sq.; and the Nicobarese, p. 297; uncertain monogyny of the Veddahs, pp. 297 sq.; polygamy of African Pygmies, pp. 298 sq. ; of Bushmen, p. 299; general polygamy in Polynesia, Melanesia, and New Guinea, pp. 299-301; polygamy universal among Australian tribes, pp. 301 sq.; among the Fuegians and other peoples in the lowest phases of culture, pp. 302 sq.; distribution of the degree of polygyny: general in primitive culture with the exception of forest tribes, continuous increase up to pastoral conditions, decay with agricultural civilisation, pp. 303 sq.; no instance known of change from monogamic to polygamic usages: supposed Muhammadan influence, pp. 304-306.
Status of wives in polygamous families, pp. 307-315.—Misleading use of the terms 'concubine' and 'chief wife,' p. 307 ; usually no juridic distinction between wives in the lower cultures, pp. 307-310 ; use of the term 'chief wife' in Africa, pp. 310-312 ; multiplicity of ' chief wives,' pp. 310 sq.; 'chief wife' distinguished by her social status before marriage, pp. 311 sq.; acquired or allotted on succeeding to an office ibid. ; rise in importance of the 'chief wife' with that of the transmission of property, pp. 313-315; concomitant lowering of the status of other wives, pp. 314 sq.
Polygamy and its decay among the Jews, pp. 315-318.—Traditional polygamous institutions of the Jews, ibid.; gradual economic limitation, no monogamous institutions, p. 318.
The Oriental harem, pp. 319-324.—High status and great freedom of Oriental women, pp. 319-323 ; juridic position of Turkish women, pp. 319 sq.; Persian origin of seclusion as a matriarchal institution, pp. 320 sq.; feministic views of Persian women, pp. 32 1 sq.; effects of the Oriental harem system, pp. 322 sq. ; equality of wives, pp. 323 sq.; evolution towards monogamy, p. 324.
Marriage and position of women in China, pp. 325-334.—Original identity of Chinese marriage institutions with those of Central Asiatic nomads, pp. 325-327; equal status of wives among Tartars and Mongols, pp. 325-327; equality of wives in ancient Chinese polygamous families, p. 327; 'Great wife' and 'Little wives,' pp. 327-329; indissolubility of Chinese marriage after three years: customary suicide of widows, p. 329; abased position of wives in China, pp. 330-332; Chinese marriage purely juridic, unconnected with sentimental attachment, p. 332; Chinese courtesans, their importance in Chinese society and their accomplishments, pp. 333 sq.
Greek marriage, pp. 334-342.—Polygamy and polygyny in archaic Greece, pp. 334 sq.; monogamy established by adaptation of matriarchal institutions p. 335; no principle of monogamy in ancient Greece, ibid.; reluctance of the Greeks to marry, pp. 335 sq.; Hesiod's advice on marriage, pp. 336 sq.; development of the dowry from adaptation of matriarchal marriage, pp. 337 sq.; debased position of Greek wife, pp. 338 sq.; Greek sexual life and sentiment associated with hetairai; their character and position, pp. 339-342.
Roman marriage, pp. 339-342.—Juridic institution of Roman marriage by the patrician revolution, pp. 343-345; 'Usus,' 'coemptio, 'farreo,' pp. 345-348; religious ceremony confined to confirmation of the contract, pp. 345 sq.; transference of the wife to the husband's 'familia,' pp. 346 sq.; marriage by ' usus,' p. 348; decay of all marriage forms after the first period of the Republic, p. 348; high position of women in Rome in opposition to theory of 'patria potestas,' pp. 348-350; Roman marriage the last step but one in the development of European marriage institutions, pp. 350 sq.
Chapter XVII.
TABU
Primitive ethics, pp. 352-358.—Moral prohibitions a distinctive character of human mentality, which exists nowhere else in the animal world, p. 352; such prohibitions more abundant in uncultured than in civilised humanity, pp. 352 sq.; no reference generally in primitive prohibitions to social ethical principles, but to tabus apparently destitute of ethical significance, p. 353; primitive view of murder: no tribal punishment for parricide, pp. 353-355; reasons for the absence of ethical principles in primitive societies : high social morality spontaneous, pp. 356 sq.; social oSences regarded as a private concern and dealt with by private vengeance, pp. 357 sq.
Notion of tabu and sacredness, pp. 358-365.—Awe with which tabus are regarded, p. 358; the character of a categorical imperative primitively an attribute of tabus, ibid.; whimsical and superstitious appearance of primitive tabus, pp. 358 sq.; dread of dangerous consequences from a breach of them the chief motive for the observance of primitive tabus, p. 359; later distinction between ' sacred ' and ' impure,' ibid.; primitive meaning of the word 'sacred,' pp. 359 sq.; murderers and criminals regarded as sacred, pp. 360 sq.; holy things supposed to be dangerous and defiling, p. 362; those distinctions not present in primitive tabus, pp. 362 sq.; tabus not primitively connected with gods or with kings, pp. 363 sq.; origin of tabus various, origin of the notion and of moral prohibitions a separate problem, p. 364.
The restriction placed upon the operation of masculine instincts by the periodicity of the instincts of the female, common to both animals and humanity, and the only analogue of a moral prohibition among lower animals, pp. 364 sq.
The tabu on menstrual and puerperal women, pp. 365-390.—Menstrual and puerperal tabus in North America, pp. 366-370; in South America, pp. 370-373; in northern and central Asia, pp. 373 sq.; among the Hebrews, p. 375; among the Persians, pp. 375 sq.; in India, pp. 376-378; in the Malay Peninsula, p. 378; in Africa, pp. 378-380; in Indonesia, pp. 380 sq.; in the Philippines and Micronesia, pp. 381 sq.; in New Guinea and Melanesia, pp. 382 sq.; in Polynesia, pp. 383 sq.; in Australia, pp. 384 sq.; dreaded and dangerous effects of menstruation, pp. 386-390.
Sexual segregation during pregnancy and suckling, pp. 390-397.—Prolonged nursing among savage races, pp. 391 sq. ; cessation of marital relations, or complete separation during the whole or part of the duration of pregnancy and suckling, pp. 392-396 ; disregard of the custom in Europe, and its decay among uncultured races, pp. 396 sq.
Origin of periodical sexual prohibitions, pp. 397-412.—Suggested explanation of the origin of menstrual and puerperal tabus as being due to abstention on the part of the men, owing to horror or disgust, p. 397; lack of manifestations of disgust, except on superstitious grounds, among savages, pp. 397 sq.; no general horror of blood among uncultured races, pp. 398 sq.; menstruating women sometimes regarded as possessed by an evil spirit, pp. 399 sq.; the restriction common to men and animals, pp. 400-403; repulse of the male by the female among animals, p. 401; breeding seasons among herbivorous animals, p. 401; no evidence of special breeding season among carnivora or primates, p. 401; males functionally active at all times, pp. 402 sq.; human prohibitions differ from animal restrictions only in being formulated, p. 403; women segregate themselves of their own accord, pp. 404-406 ; traditions as to the imposing of sexual tabus by women, pp. 406 sq.; extension of menstrual impurity to women at all times, pp. 407-409; the tabus sometimes regarded as sacred and holy in a good sense, pp. 409 sq.; practical applications of the effects of menstrual blood, pp. 410 sq.; the conception of 'impurity' derivative, pp. 411 sq.
The menstrual tabu apparently regarded as the type of tabu prohibitions, pp. 412-417.—Terms for 'tabu' and 'impure' specially applied to menstruation, p. 412 ; blood and red paint the usual mark of a tabu, pp. 412-417; red paint assimilated to menstrual blood, pp. 416 sq.
Some other tabus probably connected with the menstrual prohibition, pp. 417-419.—The superstition about stepping under a ladder, pp. 418 sq.; general aversion of uncultured peoples to pass under anything, usually ascribed to the possibility of contamination by a menstruating woman, pp. 418 sq.
The Sabbath, pp. 419-439.—Husband regarded as contaminated by the menstrual or puerperal condition of his wife, and as not being able to under take any work profitably, p. 420 ; abstinence from work imposed upon all the members of an infected household, owing to the impossibility of such work prospering, pp. 420 sq. ; abstinence from work generally observed on all inauspicious occasions, p. 421; periodical unlucky or tabu days, pp. 421-428; the days of the new moon, of the full moon, or the first day of each lunar phase commonly observed as tabu days, pp. 422-428; unlucky influence ascribed to the moon, pp. 428 sq.; the moon regarded as the cause of menstruation, pp. 429-432; actual relation between the moon and physiological periodicity, pp. 429 sq.; menstruation spoken of as ' the moon,' pp. 431 sq.; lunar cults specially associated with women, pp. 432 sq.; the Babylonian Sabbath, p. 434; menstruating goddesses and menstruation of the moon, pp. 435 sq.; the Jewish Sabbath originally a lunar tabu day, pp. 437 sq.; regarded as a special woman's observance, p. 438; moon-days in Greece and in Rome, pp. 438 sq.; adaptation of the Sabbath by the Christian Church, pp. 438 sq.
Chapter XVIII.
THE TOTEM
The sacredness of food, pp. 440-443.—Prevalence of tabus as regards food and ritual character of meals, pp. 440 sq.; food the type of utilitarian and economic interests, reproduction the type of non-utilitarian interests, pp. 441-443.
Ignorance concerning the physiology of generation, pp. 443-450.—Knowledge of reproductive physiology of recent date: views until lately prevalent, pp. 443 sq.; paternity not always recognised as a physiological relation, p. 445; conception not regarded as directly dependent upon sexual intercourse, pp. 445-450; ignorance and uncertainty concerning the duration of pregnancy, pp. 447 sq.; conception held to be due to supernatural agencies, pp. 449 sq.
Immaculate conception through food and other agencies, pp. 450-455.—Gods and heroes usually bom of virgins, pp. 450 sq.; conception through the operation of various agencies, pp. 451 sq.; impregnation through eating, pp. 452-455.
Relation between food and offspring, pp. 455-460.—Qualities of an animal communicated by eating its flesh, pp. 455-457; qualities of food eaten by a woman communicated to her offspring, pp. 457 sq.; importance of satisfying the 'fancies' of a pregnant woman, pp. 450-460.
The importance and sacredness of food-animals, pp. 460-472.—Importance of food-meat in primitive societies, p. 460 ; totemism probably connected in its origin with animal food-supply, p. 461 ; the totem commonly not regarded as sacred and freely eaten, pp. 461-463 ; sacredness not an original character of the totem and associated with the decay of totemism, pp. 463-465; ritual eating of the totem, pp. 465-468; ordinary meals partaken of ritually and sacramentally, pp. 468 sq.; ritual meals probably at first physiological and habitual, pp. 469 sq.; the totem originally the ordinary food of the tribe, pp. 471 sq.
Conception through eating the totem, pp. 472-476.—Impregnation through eating animal food, and child formed out of that food, pp. 472 sq.; changes in food-supply, and consequent modifications in the theory of conception through the totem, pp. 474-476.
The totem as tribal ancestor and tribal god, pp. 477-481.—The totem regarded as ancestor of the tribe: identity of every tribesman with the totem, pp. 477 sq.; undifferentiated semi-animal and semi-anthropomorphic character of the totems, pp. 478-480; regarded as having created the world, and as dwelling in heaven, pp. 478-480; artificial totems and split-totems, pp. 480 sq.
Diffusion and fundamental conceptions of totemism, pp. 481-486.—Wide distribution of totemic ideas; pseudo-totems, pp. 481 sq.; absence of totemism among the Eskimo: importance of fundamental totemic ideas amongst them, pp. 483-485 ; religious and social aspects of totemism, pp. 485 sq.
Priestly clans, pp. 486-489.—Special power of members of totem-clan over their totem, pp. 486-488 ; privileged position of oldest totem-clans as mediators between the tribe and jfcs ancestor, pp. 488 sq.
Primitive tribal solidarity and communism, pp. 489-501.—Members of the tribe regarded as 'of the same flesh,' p. 489; brotherhood of persons having the same totem, or partaking of the same food, pp. 490 sq.; tribal brotherhood the earliest and most efficient form of loyalty, pp. 491 sq.; family and tribal devotion, pp. 492 sq.; primitive communism and social solidarity, pp. 493-499; absence of clear conception of individuality in primitive humanity, p. 499; its development through the acquisition of private property, pp. 499 sq.
Chapter XIX.
THE WITCH AND THE PRIESTESS
Gods the product of evolution, p. 502; women thought to have had little part in that evolution, ibid.
Primitive religion not speculative, but practical, pp. 503-514.—Inaptitude of women for abstract speculation, p. 503; religious ideas not derived in the first instance from such speculation, pp. 503 sq.; indifference of savages towards metaphysics, pp. 503 sq.; primitive superhuman beings capable of assuming the attributes of theological gods, pp. 504 sq.; influence of royalty on the development of the idea of gods, pp. 505 sq.; life of primitive humanity dependent upon the control of rain, pp. 506-508; supreme supernatural beings dwell in heaven and control the rainfall, pp. 508 sq.; rain-making functions of kings, pp. 509 sq.; heavenly power commonly unworshipped, pp. 511 sq.; the supreme being not so important as the power to control him by magic, pp. 512 sq.; the products of speculative systems a late phase in the evolution of religions, not generally due to personal founders, p. 513; late sects often founded by women, pp. 513 sq.
The exclusion of women from religious functions in Western civilisations of recent origin, pp. 514-516.—High position of priestesses in ancient Rome and Greece, pp. 514 sq.; in western Asia and Egypt, pp. 514 sq.
Priestesses in uncultured societies, pp. 516-530.—Priestesses in Africa, pp. 516-518; magic women among the Eskimo thought to have preceded male priests, pp. 518 sq.; medicine women and priestesses among the North American Indians, pp. 519 sq. ; position of priestesses in Central America, their relation to male priests, or 'pajes,' pp. 521-523; priestesses in South America, pp. 523-525; religious functions exercised exclusively, or mainly, by priestesses in Indonesia, pp. 525-528; and in the Philippines, p. 528 ; priestesses in Polynesia, pp. 529 sq.; shamanesses thought to have preceded shamans among Siberian peoples, p. 530.
Male priests dressed as, and impersonating women, pp. 531-536.—Widespread practice of priests dressing in female attire, pp. 531 sq.; clothes regarded as part of the wearer, as possessing and communicating his attributes, p. 532; men following feminine occupations dressed as women, pp. 532 sq.; male priests engaging in women's work and impersonating women, pp. 534 sq.
Smiths the first male magicians among some peoples, p. 535; magical character of smiths, pp. 535 sq.
Priestesses among the peoples of northern Europe, pp. 536-543.—Origin of the Druids probably of comparatively late date, pp. 536-538; Gaulish priestesses, pp. 538-540 ; Irish and British priestesses, pp. 540 sq.; Celtic priestesses probably more ancient than, and supplanted by, the Druids, p. 541; priestesses among the Teutons and Nordic barbarians, pp. 541-543.
Traditions concerning the transference of religious functions from men to women, pp. 543-555.—Former exercise of religious functions by women in Australia, pp. 543-545 ; tradition of the Fuegians concerning the former monopoly of religious functions by women, pp. 545 sq.; tradition of women's monopoly of religious rites among the tribes of the Amazon, pp. 546 sq.; women's religious associations in Africa, pp. 547-550; religious associations to which both sexes are admitted, pp. 550 sq.; traditions of African secret societies from which women are excluded representing them as having been founded by women, pp. 551-553; Melanesian traditions of the origin of religious associations from women, pp. 553 sq.; similar traditions in New Guinea, P. 555.
Powers of witchcraft ascribed to women, pp. 555-562.—Religious magic and witchcraft, p. 555; women regarded as naturally possessing magic powers, pp. 556-558; attribution of magic powers to women explained by reference to nervous temperament, pp. 558 sq.; magic powers of women apparently connected with their social power in primitive society, pp. 559 sq.; women dreaded on account of their supposed magic powers even when excluded from magical functions: witch persecution, pp. 560-562.
Witchcraft and religious magic, pp. 562-571.—Witches sometimes regarded as beneficent, pp. 562 sq.; supernatural beings associated with primitive religious magic generally dreaded and maleficent, pp. 563-566; primitive gods not distinguished as ' good ' and ' evil,' pp. 566 sq.; good and bad magic dependent upon the same powers and procedures, and distinguished only by the purposes for which they are employed, pp. 567—570; protection against use of magic powers for injurious purposes, or witchcraft, pp. 569 sq.; death and disease supposed to be due to witchcraft, p. 570; generally regarded as having been introduced into the world by women, p. 571.
Chapter XX.
THE LORD OF THE WOMEN
Dangerous character of the moon, pp. 572-577.—The moon often identified with the first woman, pp. 572-574; dangerous character ascribed to the new moon and to the full moon, pp. 574 sq.; the influence of the moon regarded as dangerous in all its phases, pp. 574-577.
Precedence of the moon in primitive cosmology, pp. 577-583.—Moon-cults older and more primitive than solar cults, pp. 577-579; the moon regarded as more powerful than the sun, p. 579; thought to have been originally as bright as, or brighter than, the sun, pp. 580 sq.; suggested explanations of the precedence of the moon over the sun, pp. 581 sq.; indifference of savages as regards natural phenomena, pp. 582 sq.
The moon regarded as the cause of conception and generation, pp. 583-592.—The moon thought to cause menstruation by sexual intercourse with women, pp. 583 sq.; regarded as the cause of pregnancy and as the principle of generation, pp. 584-591; superstitions connecting the after birth with the moon, p. 590 ; children held up to the moon as to their parent, pp. 590 sq.; conception ascribed to representatives or substitutes for the moon, pp. 591 sq.
The moon primitively regarded as a male, pp. 592-597.
The moon as source of magic power, pp. 597-600.
The moon as cause of time and as destiny, pp. 600-603.—The moon the primitive measure of time, pp. 600 sq.; regarded as the cause of time and as possessing the secret of immortality, pp. 601 sq.; regarded as the deity of fate, pp. 602 sq.; conception of fate and of natural law, p. 603.
Lunar divinities commonly triune, pp. 603-608.—The waxing, full, and waning moon regarded as three different persons, pp. 603 sq.; threefold lunar deities and attributes, pp. 605 sq.; triune character transferred to other deities, pp. 607 sq.
The moon the source of lunacy or divine madness, pp. 608-610.—Lunacy and other mental disturbances ascribed to the influence of the moon, pp. 608 sq.; reverence for lunatics and idiots, pp. 609 sq.
Lunar animals : the dog, the hare, and the cat, pp. 610-623.—Dogs regarded as favourites of the moon and as witches, pp. 610 sq.; witches thought to change themselves into hares, pp. 611-613; superstitious fear of hares, pp. 613 sq.; regarded as favourable to women and as imparting beauty to them, pp. 614 sq. ; association of the hare with the moon, pp. 615-618; hares probably favourite victims in women's sacrifices, 619 sq.; sacrificed to moon deities, pp. 620 sq.; the cat as a disguise of witches, pp. 621 sq.; the origin of the association probably sacrificial, p. 622; cats regarded as lunar animals, pp. 622 sq.
The moon as patroness offeminine occupations, pp. 624-628.—The moon as the heavenly spinstress, pp. 624 sq.; assists women in spinning and weaving, pp. 625 sq.; the moon as a maker of bark-cloth, p. 626 ; as a basket-maker, ibid.; as a potter, ibid.; as a cook, pp. 626 sq.; as a carrier of firewood, pp. 627 sq.
The moon regarded as the producer of vegetation, pp. 628-632.—Origin and growth of vegetation ascribed to the moon, pp. 628 sq.; the moon identified with sacred plants and trees, pp. 629-631; sap, gums, and resins regarded as the blood of the moon, p. 631; the moon the patroness of agriculture and the counterpart of the cultivator of the soil, pp. 631 sq.
The moon the controller of water and moisture, pp. 632-638.—Rain and snow supposed to proceed from the moon, pp. 632 sq.; the moon regarded as controlling water, p. 633; frogs thought to intercede for rain and associated with the moon, pp. 634 sq.; all forms of water controlled by the moon, pp. 635-637; weather thought to be controlled by the moon, p. 637; suggested explanations of the relation between the moon and moisture, pp. 637 sq.; control of the water-supply by the moon probably related to it as the source of power in primitive agricultural magic, p. 638.
The moon specially worshipped by women, and regarded as their protecting deity, pp. 638-640.
Chapter XXI.
THE RESURRECTION AND THE LIFE
The serpent and eternal life, pp. 641-651.—The serpent regarded as immortal owing to its power of sloughing its skin ; men thought to have originally possessed that power, or to have been defrauded of immortality by the serpent, pp. 641-651; immortality acquired by being swallowed by, and being born again out of, a serpent, pp. 642 sq., 646 ; myths of the origin of death in Oceania, pp. 643-645; myths of the perverted message of life, pp. 646-648; the serpent and immortality in Greece,Egypt, among the Semites, and in Europe, pp. 648-651.
Immortality dependent on the moon, pp. 651-660.—The moon sometimes thought to renew its life by sloughing its skin, pp. 651 sq.; the renewal of human life thought to depend upon that of the moon, pp. 652-660; choice offered to mankind between propagation and immortality, pp. 655-657; attempt to obtain immortality by being born again from the moon, pp. 657 sq.; conceptions of the Australian aborigines concerning the resurrection and the origin of death, pp. 659 sq.
The serpent as representative of the moon, pp. 660-664.—The serpent and the moon interchangeable, pp. 660 sq.; moon-deities represented as serpents, pp. 661 sq.; women's witchcraft derived from the serpent, p. 662; serpents the source of magical power, pp. 663 sq.
Women and serpents, pp. 664-669.—Serpents thought to make love to women, pp. 664-669; serpents the cause of menstruation, pp. 666 sq., 668 sq.; thought to steal women's milk, p. 668; serpent gods cause pregnancy and regulate menstruation, p. 669.
Serpents the guardians of waters, pp. 670-673.—Serpents the guardian deities of springs and lakes which fertilise women, pp. 670 sq.; serpents interchangeable with lizards, dragons, and fishes, pp. 671 sq.; the moon thought to renew her youth by bathing in the Waters of Life, pp. 672 sq.
Chapter XXII.
PRIMITIVE COSMIC RELIGION
Primitive ideas concerning the moon the germ of cosmic religious conceptions of universal application, as opposed to tribal religion, pp. 654 ; no evidence in support of the hypothesis of indiscriminate ' nature worship,' pp. 675 sq.; gods, as they assume an independent personality, sever their connection with the ideas out of which they arose, p. 676; the sun often substituted for the moon in later cosmological interpretations, pp. 676 sq.; solar cults and more highly developed theological systems derived from lunar cults, pp. 677 sq.
Cosmic religion in Melanesia and New Guinea, pp. 678-694.—The two moongods of the bright and the dark moon, pp. 679-682; the mother of the gods, pp. 682 sq.; no definite distinction between gods, spirits, and heroes, pp. 683-685; ghost societies ; rites of death, new birth, and resurrection, pp. 685-688; the crocodile and the shark; the Principle of Life from the Sky,' pp. 688-690; salvation through the substituted sacrifice of a redeemer, pp. 690-692; sacred stones; regarded as partaking of the moon's immortality, pp. 692-694.
Cosmic religion among the aborigines of Australia and Tasmania, pp. 694-709.—The moon regarded as the creator and restorer of life, pp. 694 sq.; 'Bora' ceremonies, pp. 695-708 ; supposed death and resurrection of the candidate, pp. 695-706; divinities of the 'boras'; their lunar character, pp. 697-701; magical virtues of crystals and gems; snakestones, pp. 702-704; knocking out of teeth ; teeth regarded as immortal, pp. 705-708; moon-cult in Tasmania, p. 709.
Traces of lunar cults in Indonesia, pp. 709-7 1 2 .—Agricultural religion assumes a solar character; Father Sun and Mother Earth, p. 709; Hindu and Muhammadan influence in Indonesia, pp. 709 sq.; lunar gods among the more primitive populations, pp. 710 sq.; rites of resurrection in Celebes, p. 711; lunar mythology of the Dayaks, pp. 711 sq.
Survivals of primitive cosmic religion in Polynesia, pp. 712-721.—Decay of cult and religious ideas in Polynesia, pp. 712 sq.; the Rangi-Papa mythology, p. 712; supposed solar mythology: absence of solar cults, p. 713; Maui, the left-hand moon-god, pp. 713-715 ; Rona, the moon-eater, p. 715 ; interchangeable functions of the moon-gods, pp. 715 sq.; Maui's wife, the sun, p. 716 ; Tangaroa and the Tangaroas, pp. 716 sq.; genealogical interpretation of mythology; 'ancestor-worship'; sacred kings, the descendants of the moon-gods, p. 718; religious associations; 'runanga'; the Areoi and the rites of death and resurrection, pp. 718-720.
Primitive cosmic religion in North America, pp. 721-738.—The two moongods and the moon-cult of the Eskimo, p. 721; moon-cults among the tribes of the North-West, pp. 721-723; rites of resurrection in British Columbia, pp. 722 sq. ; conflicting accounts of the religious ideas of the North American Indians, pp. 723-726; the Great Spirit, pp. 725 sq.; 'man itus' and magical powers, p. 726; 'medicines,' p. 727; influence of Christian ideas, pp. 727 sq. ; the moon-goddesses : Aataensic,'The Old Woman who never dies,' pp. 728-730; the two sons of the Old Woman: the Bright and the Dark Manitu, pp. 730-733; the Great Hare and his contest with the sun, pp. 733-735; moon-cult of the Déné, p. 736; the Great Manitu, the source of magic power, p. 786; the two moon-gods among the tribes of California, pp. 736 sq.; the Goddess of Fertility and the Serpent-god of the Pueblo Indians, pp. 737 sq.; solar cults in North America, p. 738.
Cosmic religion in Central and South America, pp. 739-745.—Moon-gods of the ancient Mexicans, p. 739; solar cult established by the Incas of Peru, pp. 739 sq.; the popular lunar mythology and moon-cults, pp. 740-741; lunar cult of the Caribs, p. 741 ; Jurupari, the serpentgod, controller of menstruation, pp. 741 sq. ; religious ideas of the Huitoto, p. 742; moon-cults of other South American tribes, p. 742-744; mythology of the Patagonians, pp. 744 sq.; moon-cult of the Fuegians, p. 745.
Cosmic religious conceptions in Africa, pp. 745-763.—The two conflicting moon-gods of the Bushmen and Hottentots, pp. 745 sq.; moon-dances and rites, pp. 746 sq. ; dancing as a magic practice to assist the growth of the moon, pp. 747-749; the cross as a symbol of the moon and of eternal life, pp. 749-753 ; lunar cults of Africa, p. 753 ; rites of regeneration and resurrection, pp. 755-758; decay of religious conceptions among the Bantu: growth of fetichism, pp. 758 sq.; otiose supreme beings: Leza, p. 760; Dahomian religion: the moon-god Mau, pp. 760 sq.; other appellations of the supreme god, p. 761; absence of solar religion in Africa, pp. 762 sq.
The cosmic religion of A ncient Egypt, pp. 763-789.—The religion of the sungod Ra: its establishment by the priest of Heliopolis under the Vth Dynasty, pp. 763-765 ; the great gods identified and associated with Ra: Amen, the frog-god of Thebes, p. 765; Turn, p. 766; Ptah, pp. 766 sq.; the face-god Horus : his contest with Set, pp. 767-770; identical attributes of the Egyptian high-gods, p. 770; incongruities of the interpretations of solar theology, pp. 770-773; the moon-god Khons, p. 772; persistence of popular religion, pp. 773 sq.; improbability of the foreign origin of solar religion, pp. 774-776; Osiris, the early dynastic and popular god of the resurrection, pp. 776-7, the sacred beetle Khepera, pp. 777 sq.; all Egyptian gods, gods of the resurrection and of 'transformations,' p. 778 ; Osiris, the Lord of the Moon, pp. 778-783; sublimation of solar mythology: moral interpretations, p. 784; the evil god Set: his worship and its abolition, pp. 784 sq.; Thoth as the Holy Spirit and Logos, pp. 785-787; his animal forms: the ibis, the baboon, p. 787; evolution of lunar and totemic mythology into Gnosticism and theology, pp. 787-789.
