Chapter I.
‘IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE WORD’
Twofold derivation of the human mind : from actual ancestry by natural heredity, and from human society by traditional heredity, pp. 1-3; conceptual thought dependent upon language, pp. 2-3.
The doctrine of the Logos and the Theory of Ideas, pp. 3-14.—Mind identified with language, and ideas with words, p. 3; the theories of Plato and of Plotinus, p. 4; the doctrine of the Creative Word and of ideal paradigms in the theologies of the ancient East, pp. 4-7; the theory of ideas amongst uncultured races, pp. 7-8; the eternal representative of a species and the soul of a person identified with their names, pp. 8-12; magic operations on names, pp. 12-14.
The power of the Word, pp. 14-23.—Magic words of power, pp. 14-16; poetry originally a form of magic, pp. 17-22.
Experiments and observations on wild children, pp. 23-30.—Children brought up in isolation with a view to elucidating the origin of language, pp. 23-24; stories about wild children and their mental condition, pp. 26-30.
Imbeciles and deaf-mutes, pp. 30-40.—Nature of the condition of mental deficiency, pp. 30-31; social and moral sentiments not developed in imbeciles, p. 31; the mental condition of the deaf and dumb and of the blind deaf-mutes, pp. 31-40.
The distinctive characters of the human mind cannot develop apart from traditional heredity, pp. 40-42 ; rapid loss of those characters where traditional heredity does not operate, p. 42.
Chapter II.
TRADITIONAL HEREDITY
Mental characters regarded as innate and inherited, pp. 43 sq.; the inheritance of instincts in man, pp. 45-47; no instinctive human disposition unmodified by traditional heredity, pp. 48-51; capacity for education in savage children, pp. 51-54; estimation of that capacity in European children, pp. 54-57; no evidence of the inheritance of specific abilities, pp. 56-58 ; the progress of social culture due to traditional heredity, pp. 59-60; moral qualities determined by traditional heredity, pp. 60-61; supposed racial characteristics, chiefly dependent upon traditional heredity, pp. 63-66; characters of various social classes largely determined by nurture, p. 66 ; tendency to regard virtues and moral principles as naturally inherited, pp. 66-68 ; their dependence upon the social state and their absence in animals, pp. 68-71 ; children deficient in social and moral characters, pp. 71-75 ; conflict between naturally inherited mental characters and those acquired from traditional heredity and inhibition of the former by the latter: theories of Freud, pp. 75-77; the origin of specific human characters to be sought in the history of social development, p. 78.
Difficulties of the enquiry, pp. 78-80; the study of social anthropology facilitated by the persistence of traditional heredity, pp. 80-81; apparent strangeness of the products of the primitive mind, pp. 81-82; usually interpreted in terms of masculine instincts and interests, p. 83; the matriarchal theory of social evolution, pp. 83-84.
Chapter III.
THE EVOLUTION OF MOTHERHOOD
Origin and function of sexual reproduction, pp. 85-92.—Every reaction of living matter attended with the renewal of wasted tissues, which is an act of reproduction, p. 85; different effects of favourable and of unfavourable conditions, pp. 85-87 ; the former result in reproduction by fission, the latter by fragmentation, p. 86; equilibrium of vital dispositions between conjoined cells, p. 87; origin of sexual reproduction in the conjunction of ill-nourished with well-nourished organisms, p. 88; reproduction of females without conjugation; parthenogenesis, pp. 89 sq.; sexual reproduction a device for securing the reproduction of the male, pp. 90 sq.
Limitation of offspring and development of maternal provisions, pp. 92-96.—Offspring as parasites on the mother, pp. 93 sq. ; reduction in the number of eggs, pp. 94 sq.; care of the eggs, p. 95; gestation in mammals and its prolongation in the higher types, pp. 96 sq.
Effects of the prolongation of immaturity, pp. 96-1 ro.—Infancy greatly prolonged in the higher mammalian types, pp. 99-100 ; period of immaturity chiefly employed in the development of the central nervous system, pp. 100-103; mental development under the influence of the environment substituted for inherited instinct, pp. 104 sq.; relative precocity and early arrest of mental development in savages as compared with civilised races, pp. 106-110.
The maternal instinct, pp. 110-116.—Associated in its rudimentary forms with physiological stimuli, pp. 110-112 ; operates in lower animals at stated periods only, p. 112; infanticide amongst animals, ibid.; variable and ephemeral operation of the maternal instinct among mammals, pp. 113 sq.; its great development in the quadrumana, pp. 114-116.
Chapter IV.
THE ORIGIN OF LOVE
Sexual hunger and cruelty, pp. 117-120.—Sexual love commonly identified with the sexual impulse, and ascribed to animals, plants, and inanimate objects, p. 117; tendency of evolution in predatory animals towards the development of cruelty, p. 118 ; sexual congress among animals usually attended with violence and bodily injury, p. 119; traces of the same tendencies in humanity, p. 120.
The mating instinct, pp. 121-125.—Distinct in origin, function, and character from the sexual instinct, p. 120"; absent where functions of cooperation in the care of eggs and offspring are not required, pp. 121 sq.; separation of the sexes general among mammals, and sexual association rare and transient, pp. 122-124; no functions of protection or cooperation exercised by the male, pp 124 sq.
Sexual and maternal love in primitive humanity, pp. 125-133.—Love between the sexes generally reported to be absent or feebly developed among uncultured peoples, pp. 125-127; maternal affection intense, pp. 126-129; the practice of infanticide not inconsistent with the maternal instinct, pp. 129-130; fierce and unreasoning character of maternal affection in primitive races, pp. 130 sq.; loyalty and devotion towards the sexual mate more marked in primitive women than in men, pp. 131-133.
Transference of characters from one sex to the other, pp. 133-141.—Characters of both male and female progenitors inherited by the offspring, pp. 133 sq.; characters of the opposite sex latent in all individuals, p. 135; masculine characters developed in females, pp. 135 sq.; feminine characters in males, pp. 134, 137 ; solicitudeof male fishes, reptiles, and birds for the eggs probably a manifestation of the sexual instinct, pp. 137-140; mutual adjustment of instincts in both sexes, pp. 140 sq.
Antagonism between the mating and the sexual instinct, pp. 141-146.—Love opposed to lust, pp. 141-142; sexual differences in the forms of the mating instinct, pp. 142 sq.; cultural development of sexual love, pp. 143-145; extension of tender sentiments in the female, pp. 145 sq.
The filial instinct, pp. 146-151.—Checked in civilised societies, pp. 146 sq.; prominent manifestations of affection and respect for the mother in the lower cultures, pp. 148-151.
The social instincts, pp. 151-160.—No connexion between the operation of the filial instinct and actual relationship, pp. 151 sq.; aptitude for attachment and affection related to the extent of the operation of maternal care, p. 152; group-feeling amongst animals, pp. 152-154; no primary 'gregarious instinct,' pp. 154 sq.; general tendency of animals to disperse and wander, pp. 155 sq.; sociability in man primarily familial, p. 157; hostility towards other groups in the lower cultures, pp. 157-159; extension and ideal forms of group-sympathy and loyalty, pp. 159-160.
Chapter V.
THE HERD AND THE FAMILY AMONGST ANIMALS
Supposed animal societies, pp. 161-168.—Groups of associated animals in variably founded on reproductive and not on cooperative or social functions, p. 161; insect-communities and differentiation of reproductive functions amongst their members, pp. 161-163; adventitious and temporary aggregations of unassociated individuals, pp. 164-167; temporary packs among canine animals ; no organisation or cooperation, pp. 165-167; erroneous descriptions of beaver communities, pp. 167 sq.; and of 'Prairie-dog' societies, p. 168.
'Polygamy' and 'monogamy' amongst animals, pp. 168-180.—No relation between polygamous or monogamous habits and fertility or development, pp. 168-169 : ambiguity of the terms in reference to animals, p. 169; seasonal pairing of birds not necessarily monogamous, pp. 169-170; pairing lasting beyond one breeding-season found amongst mammals in the smaller species of antelopes only, pp. 170 sq.; all quadrumana polygamous, pp. 172-179; alleged monogamous species of monkeys, pp. 172 sq. ; sexual habits of the anthropoid apes, pp. 173-179 ; causes which determine the form of sexual association act through the reproductive system of the female, pp. 179 sq.
Jealousy amongst animals, pp. 180-184.—Absence of manifestations of jealousy in several species, p. 180; seasonal manifestations of combativeness, p. 180; jealousy amongst fishes with reference to the ova, pp. 181 sq.; competition amongst males not for possession of particular females, but for access to the largest number, pp. 182-184; 'spent' males indifferent, p. 184.
The female in the animal group, pp. 185-194.—Herds and other groups usually led by females, pp. 185 sq.; migrations determined by females, p. 186; feeble development of maternal instincts among herding herbivores, pp. 186 sq.; sympathy and social feeling more developed among carnivora, pp. 187 sq.; family constituted by mother and offspring, the male not an essential part of it, and often absent, pp. 188-191; masculine instincts dominant in herd-tormation, pp. 192 sq.; the animal family dependent upon segregation, pp. 193 sq.
Chapter VI.
THE PRIMITIVE HUMAN GROUP
The human social group derived from the animal family, p. 195; impossibility of human development in isolated groups consisting of only a few individuals, pp. 195 sq.; defeated races found at the present day living in scattered and isolated groups driven to unfavourable habitats by more powerful races, and probably culturally decayed, pp. 196-198; human society originated in favourable conditions, pp. 198 sq.; aggregation of family-groups gives rise to herd, p. 199; preservation of the characters of the maternal animal family possible only if females continue in it and males find mates elsewhere, pp. 201 sq.; the rule of exogamy and the prohibition of incest, pp. 202 sq.; older
attempts to account for them, pp. 203 sq.
Alleged injurious effects of inbreeding among animals, pp. 204-217.—Close and constant inbreeding the general rule amongst animals, pp. 205 sq.; rapid propagation from a few individuals, pp. 206 sq.; experiments on inbreeding ; large increase in weight and fertility produced, pp. 207 sq.; the artificial breeding of domestic animals, pp. 208-215; satisfactory results of close inbreeding, pp. 209 sq.; degeneration brought about by artificial selection of adiposity and other pathological characters, pp. 210-212; occasional cross with animal less artificially bred sometimes beneficial in those circumstances, pp. 212 sq.; unfavourable results of neglecting to in breed, pp. 214 sq.; crossfertilisation of some flowering plants may be beneficial for reasons not connected with inbreeding, as by securing a longer period of reproduction, pp. 216 sq.
Results of inbreeding in human communities, pp. 217-224.—Constant inbreeding prevalent among uncultured races, with no evil effects, pp. 217-219; segregated communities, pp. 219-222 ; no evidence of evil effects from consanguineous marriages in royal families, pp. 222 sq.; or in the general population, pp. 223 sq.
Supposed production of deaf-mutism and other conditions by consanguineous marriages, pp. 224-240.—Attempt to demonstrate the supposed evil effects of inbreeding by the statistics of deaf-mutism, p. 224; the incidence of the condition associated with enhanced fertility, pp. 224 sq.; congenital deafness extremely rare, its occurrence doubtful, pp. 225-227; statistics first produced in support of the theory of the association of deaf-mutism with consanguineous marriages erroneous, later ones inconclusive, pp. 227-230 ; the condition not hereditary, pp. 231 sq.; correlation of deaf-mutism with external conditions pronounced, constant, and uniform, pp. 232 sq.; no evidence of the association of mental disease with consanguineous marriages, pp. 233 sq.; theory that hereditary tendencies towards pathological conditions in both parents are summated in their offspring unproved and perhaps theoretically erroneous, pp. 234-236; the theory of the evil effects of consanguineous marriages first advanced on religious grounds, p. 237; supposed evidence from the respective liability of members of various religious denominations, pp. 237 sq.; beliefs of savages as regards the evils resulting from consanguineous unions to the offspring, the parents, the tribe, the crops, the atmospheric and other conditions, pp. 238-239 ; the theory concerning the injuriousness of consanguineous unions probably a survival of those beliefs, p. 240.
Theories concerning the origin of exogamy, pp. 241-249.—The rule of exogamy formerly believed to have been adopted in consequence of the observation by savages of the evil results of inbreeding, p. 241; or supposed by Dr. Westermarck to have been imposed by the operation of natural selection, p. 242; ascribed by M. Durkheim to horror of shedding the blood of the tribe by defloration, pp. 242 sq.; thought to be due to the jealousy of the elder males, p. 243; supposed to be the result of the lower stimulating sexual value of habitual associates, pp. 243-247; mating of habitual associates regarded as the most suitable in uncultured and in civilised societies, pp. 244-247; illusion by which the horror of incest appears instinctive, p. 247; segregation of brothers and sisters in savage societies, p. 248; greater attractiveness of the stranger, pp.248 sq.; biological explanations of the prohibition of incest inconsistent with the fact that it does not exist among animals, p. 249.
Derivation of the rule of exogamy from the constitution of the maternal group, pp. 249-259.—Maternal constitution of the group destroyed if the females leave it, but unaffected by the transfer of the males to other groups, pp. 250-252 ; sedentary character of the women and roving disposition of the men, pp. 251 sq. ; opposition of maternal instincts to relations of young males with their younger sisters, pp. 252-257; prohibition of incest primarily applies to those relations, pp. 257 sq.; prohibition reinforced by progress in organisation, pp. 258 sq.
The mother-in-law, pp. 259-267.—Rules of avoidance between a man and his mother-in-law, pp. 259-262; inconclusive explanations of the practice, pp. 262 sq. ; restrictions removed by marrying mother-in-law, p. 264; or by the birth of a child, pp. 264 sq. ; or by offering presents, p. 265; the mother-in-law as head of the group to which the man attaches himself regarded with the same awe as the mother, the head of his own group, pp. 266 sq.
Chapter VII.
THE MOTHERHOOD
Matrilocal marriage, pp. 268-310.—Usage that the husband takes up his abode in the home of his wife in North America, pp. 268-276; in Central and South America, pp. 276-279; in Africa, pp. 279-287; among the Malays, pp 287-290; among other peoples of Indonesia, pp. 290 sq.; in the Philippines and in Micronesia, pp. 291 sq.; in Torres Straits and New Guinea, pp. 292-294; in Polynesia, pp. 294 sq.; in Asia, pp. 295-302; residual forms of matrilocal marriage, pp. 302-304; matrilocal marriage for a given period, or ' marriage by service, pp. 304-307; change to patrilocal marriage, pp. 307 sq.; maternal reckoning of kinship and descent, pp. 308 sq.; status of women in matrilocal marriage, pp. 309 sq.
The status of women in primitive societies, pp. 310-332.—Old fallacy that the status of women is an index of the degree of civilisation, pp. 310 sq.; oppressed condition of women in some savage societies, pp. 311-315; high position and influence of women in most uncultured societies, pp. 316-327; impossibility of that status having succeeded to one of oppression, pp. 327-332 ; women content with their position, pp. 327 sq.; toil regarded as voluntary, pp. 328-330; no disposition on the part of women to resent the sexual usages established in the society they live in, pp. 330-332.
The establishment of masculine domination in some societies in the lowest stages of culture, pp. 332-344.—Theory that the matriarchal order is the outcome of local circumstances, pp. 332-334; general transition from matriarchal to patriarchal usages with change in economic conditions, pp. 335 sq.; evidence that the status of women was formerly different in societies in low stages of culture where male domination is now established, pp. 336-243 ; patriarchal institutions generally associated with advanced culture, pp. 343-344.
Chapter VIII.
THE MATRIARCHAL PHASE IN CIVILISED SOCIETIES
The Indian Aryans, pp. 345-362.—Low status of women under Brahmanical law, p. 345; freedom and high position of women in Vedic and epic literature, pp. 345-347; origin of the Indian 'Aryans' and their connection with the peoples of Central Asia, pp. 348-358; matriarchal organisation of the Getae, p. 359; matriarchal descent among the ancient Hindus, pp. 359 sq.; survivals of the matriarchal order among the Rajputs and modern Hindus, pp. 360-362.
China and Japan, pp. 362-370.—Exogamic Chinese clans, p. 363 ; matrilocal marriage in ancient and modern China, pp. 364-366 ; former high status of women in China, pp. 366-368 ; marriage and adoption in modern Japan, pp.368 sq.; matriarchal marriage in ancient Japan, pp. 369 sq.
The Semites, pp. 370-377.—Kinship among the Arabs, pp. 370, 372; matrilocal marriage among the ancient and modern Semites, pp. 372-374; position of women in ancient Arabia, pp. 374-377.
Ancient Egypt, pp. 377-388.—Maternal descent, pp. 379-381 ; position of the wife, p. 381 ; matrilocal marriage, pp. 381 sq. ; Egyptian marriage contracts, pp. 382-385 ; official positions held by women, pp. 386 sq.; growth of patriarchal principles and persistence of matriarchal usage, pp. 387 sq.
The Aegean and Greece, pp. 388-414.—Lykian matriarchy, pp. 388 sq.; Karians, Lydians, Mysians, pp. 389 sq. ; ancient Kretan civilisation, pp. 391-394 ; the Mediterranean race, pp. 394-397 ; gynaecocracy of the Cantaberians, p. 397; the Spartans, pp. 398-401; the Lokrians, p. 401; traditions of matriarchal usage in Athens, pp. 401-403; females genealogies, pp. 403 sq.; survivals of maternal kinship, p. 405; matrilocal marriage of Greek princes, p. 406; Athenian marriage law founded on matrilocal usage, pp. 406-409; women in the Homeric poems and in classical Greece, pp. 410-414.
The Teutons, pp. 414-417.—Position of women, p. 414 ; traces of maternal kinship, ibid.; maternal kinship in the Salic Laws, p. 415; matriarchal succession, pp. 415 sq.; matrilocal marriage of the Goths, pp. 416 sq.
The Celts, pp. 417-420.—Status of women in Gaul, matrilocal marriage, pp. 417 sq.; matrilocal marriage in Ireland and in Scotland, pp. 418 sq.; matriarchal succession among the Picts, Irish, and British, pp. 418 sq.
Rome, pp. 420-430.—Difficulties of the patriarchal theory applied to Roman origins, pp. 421; metronymous Curiae, p. 422; land-donations by women, pp. 422 sq.; maternal succession of Roman kings, pp. 423 sq.; the Etruscans, pp. 427 sq.; 'cognomen' and 'agnomen,' p. 426; patricians and plebeians, pp. 427 sq.; Roman matriarchal tradition, pp. 428-430.
Possible effects of the early establishment of the patriarchal order on cultural development, pp. 430-432.
Chapter IX.
PRIMITIVE DIVISION OF LABOUR BETWEEN THE SEXES
The primitive matriarchal constitution of society not founded upon domination by women similar to that exercised by the men in patriarchal society, p. 433; economic domination, whether by men or by women, possible in advanced conditions only, pp. 433-435; women's labour in primitive society voluntary, pp. 436-440; establishment of division of labour between the sexes, pp. 440 sq.
Physical differences between the sexes in primitive races, pp. 442-447.—Females larger than the males among the lower animals, pp. 442 sq.; women physically more developed than the men in many primitive races, pp. 443-446 ; physical differences between the sexes less pronounced in primitive than in civilised races, pp. 446 sq.; probably to a large extent the product of social conditions, p. 447.
Women as hunters and fishers, pp. 447-450.—Aptitude as hunters shown by primitive women, pp. 447 sq.; food-supply derived from fishing sometimes procured by women only, pp. 448 sq.; economic division of labour a consequence of women's functions of motherhood, and confirmed by professional pride of hunters and warriors, pp. 449 sq.
Women as Warriors, pp. 451-459.—Women commonly taking part in war in primitive societies, pp. 451-453; generally distinguished by greater cruelty, pp. 453-454 ; amazons in barbaric societies, pp. 454-458; endurance of primitive women in childbirth regarded as a duty lest they should bring forth cowards, pp. 458 sq.
Primitive industry: leatherwork, embroidery, weaving, basketry, pp. 460-466.—Preparation of hides, pp. 460 sq.; manufacture of flint scrapers, p. 461; manufacture of clothing, pp. 461 sq.; thread, needles, dyes, embroidery, pp. 462 sq.; bark-cloth, p. 463; weaving, pp. 463-465; plaiting and basket-work, pp. 465 sq.
Pottery, pp. 466-477.—Manufacture of pottery carried out exclusively by women, pp. 466-472; ritual observances, tabus, and religious conceptions associated with the manufacture of pots, pp. 472-475; sacred vessels, p. 475; development of ceramic technique, pp. 475 sq.; ceramic decorative art, pp. 476 sq.
Building, pp. 477-483.—Women the builders of primitive homes, pp. 477-481; development of Egyptian and of Greek architecture from primitive huts and food-stores, pp. 481-483.
Primitive trade, pp. 483-485.—Women the chief traders in uncultured societies, pp. 483-485.
Medicine and surgery, pp. 485-488.—Herbal lore and primitive magic, pp. 485 sq.; women the chief medical practitioners in primitive communities, pp. 486-488; practice of surgery by women in barbaric societies, p. 488.
Primitive industry and administration confined to the household sphere, pp. 489 sq.; prominent part played by primitive women in that sphere, affords no argument for doctrine of feminism, ibid.; women more alert than the men in the domain of primitive transactions and administration, pp. 490 sq.
Position of chiefs in primitive societies, pp. 491-497.—The exercise of the functions of chieftainship by men adduced as an objection to the matriarchal theory of social evolution, pp. 491 sq.; headmen and chiefs frequently absent in primitive societies; their functions often temporary, their power and influence small, pp. 492-495; chiefs in matriarchal societies, pp. 496 sq.; functions of male chiefs specially concerned with the external relations of the group, p. 497.
Position of the woman's brother in primitive society, pp. 498-505.—Executive and protective functions exercised by the woman's brother, not by her husband, p. 498; the paternal uncle guardian of his nephews and nieces, pp. 498-502; bonds of affection between brother and sister closer than between husband and wife, pp. 503-505.
The marital group in primitive society, pp. 505-519.—Conception of the 'family' as the group formed by husband and wife, often absent in primitive society, pp. 505 sq.; husband and wife regard one another as strangers and live separate lives, pp. 507-513; the husband a temporary and secret visitor, pp. 513-516; clandestine relations between husband and wife probably due to hostility between their respective groups, pp. 516-518; love of the clan greater than love between husband and wife, pp. 518 sq.
Chapter X.
THE INSTITUTION OF MARRIAGE
Prolonged sexual association not an essential biological function; not general among animals; not called for in matriarchal groups, p. 520; marriage sometimes entered into for special purposes by certain classes, pp. 520 sq. ; marriage universally regarded as a social institution, pp. 521-523; not regarded as founded on the operation of the natural instincts, pp. 523-526.
Marriage negotiated by 'go-betweens,' pp. 527-531.
Marriage arranged by parents or other persons, pp. 531-544.—Marriage or betrothal of infants, pp. 532-539 ; bride chosen by the father, pp. 539 sq.; by the chief or king, pp. 540 sq. ; by the maternal uncle, pp. 541-543; by the mother, pp. 543 sq.
No violence offered to personal inclinations, pp. 545-549.—Prearrangement of marriage by relatives or others commonly regarded by Europeans as a disregard of personal inclinations, p. 545; opposition rarely offered to the arrangement on grounds of personal inclination, pp. 545 sq.; selection of a spouse often undertaken at the request of parties concerned, pp. 546 sq.; absence of personal preference presupposed by those arrangements, p. 547; personal inclinations, when present, usually respected, p. 548; conflict between inclination and formal arrangements characteristic of the more advanced social phases, pp. 548 sq.
Marriage contracted and celebrated by all the members of the two groups, pp. 549-559.—Tribal authority as regards the prescription of a marriage has usually reference to a group and not to individual persons, pp. 549 sq.; father and other guardians act as representatives of the group, pp. 550 sq.; council of the whole clan or tribe sometimes regarded as necessary to the contraction of a marriage, pp. 551-554; presents or bride-price provided by all the members of one group and distributed among all the members of another group, pp. 554-556; marriage celebrated by all the members of the respective groups; the bride and bride groom sometimes absent, pp. 556 sq. ; wedding-meal regarded as a communion between all the members of the two groups, pp. 557-559; other rites celebrated as a marriage union between all members of both groups, pp. 559.
Reasons for instituting a marriage agreement between two groups, pp. 559-563.—Difficulty of social intercourse between members of different groups in primitive societies, pp. 560 sq.; wives not obtainable from other groups except by forcible capture or by collective negotiation and agreement, pp. 561 sq.; such agreements between intermarrying groups the usual arrangement in primitive societies, pp. 562 sq.
The marriage of cross-cousins, pp. 563-584.—The relationship of cross-cousins automatically established between members of intermarrying groups, pp. 564 sq.; cross-cousin marriage in Australia, pp. 564 sq.; in Melanesia, pp. 565 sq.; in Indonesia, pp. 566 sq.; in India, pp. 567-569; in other parts of Asia, pp. 569 sq.; in Africa, pp. 570 sq.; in America, pp. 571 sq.; intermarriage of clans or families, pp. 573-579; association of cross-cousin marriage with the intermarriage of groups, p. 580; suggested economic reasons for cross-cousin marriage, pp. 580-584; marriage with paternal uncle's daughter among Muslims, p. 581 ; economic motives overruled in cross-cousin marriage, pp. 582-584.
Principle of interpretation of customs: those applying to the more primitive observances of the custom usually nearer to their original intention than the motives adduced in more advanced social states, pp. 584-587.
The change from clan-kinship to family-kinship, pp. 587-589.—The rule of cross-cousin marriage founded on the clan system of kinship, abolished by the prohibition of cousin-marriage in the family system of kinship, pp. 587 sq.; breakdown of clan-organisation, pp. 589 sq.; substitution of family-relationship for clan-relationship in marriage rules, pp. 590 sq.
Primitive kinship and group-motherhood.—The clan, like the family, a reproductive group, and not a political organisation, p. 591 ; clan-kinship, or 'classificatory' system of relationship, and family-kinship or 'descriptive' system of relationship, pp. 591 sq.; misconception as to the artificial or conventional character of clan-relationship, pp. 592 sq.; the assumption thought to be confirmed by the collective use of the term 'mother,' p. 593 ; the operation of maternal and filial instincts among animals not dependent upon 'actual' relationship, pp. 593-596; collective maternal care among animals, p. 594 ; adoption among animals, pp. 594 sq.; manifestations of the social instincts among animals follow the 'classificatory system,' p. 596; collective parental affection in primitive societies, p. 597; collective nursing and maternal care, pp. 597 sq.; fosterage and adoption, pp. 598-605; collective terms of clan-relationship represent actual social relations and are more primitive than terms of family-relationship, pp. 605 sq.
Primitive marriage relationship, pp. 607-613.—Terms used to denote marital relationship similar in connotation to those used in reference to consanguinity, p. 607; they refer to collective group-relations and not to economic individual relations, p. 608; the relation between members of opposite sexes in corresponding marriage-groups everywhere recognised as different from those of men and women in the same marriage-group, pp. 608-611; collective marriage relationship condemned, as are all alien marriage institutions, where individual marriage relations have become established, pp. 611-613.
Chapter XI.
GROUP-MARRIAGE AND SEXUAL COMMUNISM
Sororal polygyny, pp. 614-627.—The claim to a wife's sisters as wives, pp. 614-621; modification of the claim : husband's consent required for the marriage of his wife's sisters, pp. 621 sq.; exchange of one sister for another, p. 622; sister supplied on wife's decease, pp. 622-624; apologetic explanations of sororal polygyny and marriage of deceased wife's sister, pp. 624-627.
The combination of sororal polygyny with fraternal polyandry, or group-marriage, impracticable as an economic association, pp. 627 sq.; fraternal polyandry hence found surviving as a sexual association only and in the form of sororal-fraternal group-marriage, pp. 628 sq.
Collective marriage among the peoples of Northern Asia, pp. 629-634.—Collective marriage relations among the Gilyak, pp. 629 sq.; survivals of collective marriage among the Yakut, pp. 630 sq.; collective marriage relations in Kamchatka, p. 631; among the Tungus, pp. 631 sq.; among the Chukchi, pp. 632 sq.; among the Aleuts, pp. 633 sq.
Sexual hospitality, pp. 635-640.—The guest assimilated to a tribal brother, pp. 635 sq.; rejection of sexual hospitality resented, p. 636; obsolescence of sexual hospitality, pp. 638 sq.; duty of hospitality derived from solidarity of clan-brotherhood, and regarded as including sexual hospitality, pp. 639 sq.
Collective sexual relations in America, pp. 641-647.—Sexual collectivism among the Eskimo, p. 641; fraternal polyandry among the Tlinkit, pp. 641-643; fraternal polyandry among the tribes of British Columbia, p. 643; fraternal-sororal collective relations among the North American Indians, pp. 644-646; collective sexual relations in South America, pp. 646 sq.
Collective marriage in Tibet, pp. 647-668.—Principles of Tibetan marriage customs, pp. 647-662; the impartite family, and the rule of seniority in marriage, pp. 651-661; Tibetan polyandry upheld by the women, pp. 663 sq.; absence or difficulty of divorce, pp. 665 sq.; apologetic 'explanations' of Tibetan polyandry, pp. 666 sq.; its traditional character and wide distribution, p. 668.
Polyandrous marriage in other parts of the Himalayan region and in central Asia, pp. 669-673.—Traces and survivals of polyandry in Assam, p. 669; survival of polyandry in various parts of the southern Himalaya, pp. 669 sq. ; former existence of polyandry in Hindu-Kush, Chitral, Turkestan, p. 671 ; polyandry in the Pamirs and Koko-Nor, pp. 671 sq.; possibility of the former existence of similar institutions in China, pp. 672 sq.
Polyandry among the native races of northern India, pp. 673-676.—The Khonds, pp. 673 sq.; the Gonds, p. 674; the Santals and other races of Bengal, pp. 674-676.
Polyandry among the 'Aryan' Hindus, pp. 677-690.—Polyandry among the Rajputs, pp. 677 sq.; polyandry among the Jats, pp. 678-680; polyandry among the 'Aryan' people of central Asia, the Getae or Massa-Getae, pp. 680 sq.; indications of the custom in the Sacred Laws of the Aryas and the Puranas, pp. 681 sq.; in the Indian epics, pp. 682 sq.; in the Vedas, pp. 684-687; influence of Brahmanism on the obsolescence of polyandry, pp. 688 sq.; its survival in some Brahmanical castes, pp. 689 sq.
Polyandrous marriage among other 'Aryan' peoples, pp. 690-697.-Use of the term 'Aryan,' and the 'Aryan' hypothesis, pp. 690 sq.; polyandry among the Aryas and Medes, pp. 691 sq.; polyandry among the Spartans, pp. 692 sq.; indications of the custom among the Etruscans and the Romans, pp. 693-695; among the Teutons, pp. 695; among the Celts, pp. 695-697.
Collective marriage in southern India, pp. 697-714.—Group-marriage among the Todas and other tribes of the Nilgiri Hills, pp. 698 sq.; fraternal polyandry among various castes of Malabar, pp. 699 sq.; marriage institutions of the Nayars, pp. 700-712; regulated by intermarriage groups, p. 703; no economic association, pp. 704 sq.; fraternal in character, pp. 705-707; the 'tali' ceremony, pp. 707-709; decay and survival of Nayar polyandry, pp. 709-712 ; repudiation of ancient usages when they become subject to moral condemnation, pp. 712 sq.; fraternal polyandry and polygyny in Ceylon, pp. 713 sq. Evidence of polyandry among the ancient Semites, pp, 714 sq.
Chapter XII.
GROUP-MARRIAGE AND SEXUAL COMMUNISM (continued)
Sexual communism in Africa, pp. 716-722.—Clan, age-grade, and fraternal sexual communism in East Africa, pp. 716-718; polyandry in Nigeria, West Africa, and the Congo, pp. 718 sq.; 'Upanga' institution of the Herero, pp. 719-726; sexual communism in Madagascar, p. 722.
Sexual communism in New Guinea and in Oceania, pp. 722-726.—Age-grade sexual communism in New Guinea, p. 722; sexual communism and polyandry in Polynesia, pp. 723-725; polyandry and sexual communism in Micronesia, pp. 725 sq.
Collective Marriage in Australia, pp. 726-765.—Types of collective sexual relations, p. 726; complexity of Australian organisation due to super position of usages, pp. 727-729; avoidance of incest, and not the safeguarding of individual marriage-rights, the purpose of Australian sexual regulations, or morality, pp. 729-731 ; individual marriage essentially economic, pp. 731-733; general distribution of group-marriage relations in Australia, pp. 733-735; familial and tribal forms of the relations, p. 735-737; group-marriage among the Dieri, pp. 737-739; group-marriage among the Urabunna, p. 739; the theory of the origin of Australian marriage institutions from class group-marriage, pp. 740 sq.; questions at issue, p. 741; criticisms of the group-marriage theory and hypothesis of the development of Australian marriage institution from individual monogamic marriage, pp.74 1-746 ; the institution of 'pirrauru' and other forms of marriage among the Dieri, in their present form patriarchal, p. 747; Mr. Northcote W. Thomas's discussion of the chronological precedence of 'pirrauru' and' tippa malku,' pp. 747-753; collective sexual rights to 'noas' in corresponding marriage class, apparently not abolished by ' tippa malku,' pp. 751-754; family and clan brotherhood in Australian sexual regulations, pp. 755-757, 'facultative' or 'potential' wives, pp. 757-761; 'facultative' wives in Melanesia, pp. 758 sq.; 'classificatory' terms of kinship and the theory of group-marriage, p. 761-764; Dr. Westermarck's views on the bearing of Australian data on biology and social science, pp. 764 sq.
Range and extent of the survival of collective sexual relations, pp. 765 sq.
The Levirate, pp. 766-781.—Distribution of the claim to the widow of a deceased brother, pp. 766 sq. ; association of the claim with the practice of fraternal polyandry, pp. 768-772 ; similar rules in the observance of the usage and in succession to a deceased wife's sister, pp. 772-774; differences in the factors governing the observance of the two usages, p. 774; widows regarded as inheritable property, pp. 774 sq.; inheritance of widows often combined with the observance of other usages, pp. 775-777; 'raising seed' to a deceased brother, pp. 777-780; the economic and the semi-religious view of the levirate apparently derived from collective claims of the fraternal group to the widows, pp. 780 sq.; the usage observed on the latter ground in primitive societies tends to fall into disuse in societies economically and religiously more developed, p. 781.
