Origins of a Creole: The History of Papiamentu and Its African Ties

Acknowledgements
Abbreviations
Introduction
Presentation of the languages considered in the present study
Papiamentu (PA)
Cape Verdean Creole (CV)
The Creole of Guinea-Bissau and Casamance (GBC)
Hypothesis examined in the present study
Methodological remarks
Linguistic evidence
Negative evidence
Historical evidence
Structure of the present study
1 Critical review of the literature on the origins of Papiamentu
Introduction
1.1. From Schabel (1704) to Lenz (1928)
1.2. Afro-Portuguese hypotheses: from Lenz (1928) to monogenesis
1.3. Spanish hypotheses
1.4. Critical discussion of the Spanish hypotheses
1.4.1. Linguistic continuity between the pre- and post-1634 period?
1.4.2. Linguistic evidence against Old Spanish in PA’s superstate
1.4.3. About the tendency to attribute the Portuguese to other Hispanic varieties
1.5. PA birth among the Sephardim?
1.5.1. On the linguistic profile of the early Curaçaoan Sephardim
1.5.2. Demographic arguments against a PA birth among the Sephardim
1.6. Where does the Portuguese come from?
1.6.1. A shared origin for all Afro-Iberian creoles in the Caribbean?
1.6.2. Goodman’s Brazilian Creole Hypothesis
1.6.3. Gulf of Guinea Portuguese-based Creole
1.6.4. Upper Guinea Portuguese-based Creole
1.7. Summary
2 Phonology
Introduction
2.1. Vowel features
2.1.1. Vowel raising
2.1.2. Rounding of unstressed vowels
2.1.3. Vowel harmony
2.1.4. Monophthongs
2.2. Consonant features
2.2.1. The voiceless palatal fricative /ʃ/ in PA and Upper Guinea PC
2.2.2. Retention of Old Portuguese voiceless affricate /tʃ/ in PA and Upper Guinea PC
2.2.3. Rejection of voiced fricatives in PA and Upper Guinea PC
2.2.4. The lack of lambdacism (/r/ > /l/) in PA and Upper Guinea PC
2.2.5. Rhotacism (/d/ > /r/)
2.3. Syllabic restructuring
2.3.1. Apheresis of prefixes
2.3.2. Vowel epenthesis
2.3.3. Metathesis of the /r/
2.3.4. Negative evidence: syllabic restructuring in PLQ and Gulf of Guinea PC
2.4. Paroxytonic verb stress in PA and SCV
2.4.1. Verb stress in GBC
2.4.2. On the diachrony of paroxytonic verb stress in PA and SCV
2.5. Final remarks on phonology
3 Selected parts of speech
Introduction
3.1. Personal pronouns
3.1.1. 1sg (a)mi
3.1.2. Emphatic a- subject pronouns
3.1.3. 2pl SCV nhos
3.1.4. Digression: 2sg polite pronouns in PA
3.1.5. PA nan
3.1.6. Final remarks on pronouns
3.2. Prepositions
3.2.1. PA / Upper Guinea PC di
3.2.2. PA / Upper Guinea PC na
3.2.3. PA / Upper Guinea PC te
3.2.4. PA / Upper Guinea PC riba (di)
3.2.5. PA / Upper Guinea PC pa
3.2.6. Zero preposition with motion verb + place
3.2.7. Reanalysis of Iberian prepositions/adverbs ‘in front of’ and ‘behind’ as nouns
3.2.8. Composed prepositions
3.2.9. A reassessment of the time-depth of prepositions in PA
3.2.10. Final remarks on prepositions
3.3. Interrogatives
3.3.1. Equally transparent interrogative paradigms
3.3.2. PA: Portuguese rather than Spanish etyma
3.3.3. Early PA *kantu, *kal
3.3.4. PA unda, SCV unde and GBC nunde
3.3.5. PA / Upper Guinea PC ken
3.4. Conjunctions
3.4.1. Coordinate conjunctions
3.4.2. Subordinate conjunctions
3.4.3. Final remarks on conjunctions
3.5. Miscellaneous
3.5.1. Reciprocity and reflexivity
3.5.2. The deictic marker Early PA / Upper Guinea PC es
3.5.3. Negation
4 Morphology
Introduction
4.1. Derivational morphology
4.1.1. PA -mentu
4.1.2. PA -dó
4.1.3. Upper Guinea PC -mentu / -dor
4.1.4. The suffix -dadi in Early PA texts
4.2. Inflectional morphology
4.2.1. The diachrony of PA’s past participle morpheme -/Ø/
4.2.2. The regularization of past participle morphology in PA and Upper Guinea PC
4.3. Passivization in (Early) PA and Upper Guinea PC
4.3.1. Passivization in present-day PA
4.3.2. Passivization in Upper Guinea PC
4.3.3. Auxiliary-less passives in Early PA texts
4.3.4. Digression: On the reliability of Early PA evangelical texts
4.3.5. Auxiliary-less passives (/passive verbs) in present-day Papiamentu
4.3.6. On the incorporation of wòrdu and ser
4.3.7. Digression: The presumed non-nativeness of passives in PA
4.3.8. Final remarks on passivization in PA and Upper Guinea PC
4.4. Final remarks on morphology
5 Verbal system
Introduction
5.1. PA / Upper Guinea PC preverbal ta
5.1.1. Analyzing CV ta as a progressive aspect marker
5.1.2. Analyzing PA ta as [+imperfective], rather than [+present]
5.1.3. Final remarks on PA / Upper Guinea PC preverbal ta
5.2. The diachrony of the PA perfective past marker a
5.3. Future tense marking in PA and Upper Guinea PC
5.3.1. The PA future tense marker lo vs. its absence in Upper Guinea PC
5.3.2. On the origin of PA lo
5.3.3. The diachrony of future tense marking in PA and Upper Guinea PC
5.3.4. Digression: SCV al and PA lo
5.4. PA / BaCV taba – tabata
5.4.1. Digression: On the diachrony of preverbal taba and postverbal -ba
5.5. The issue of relative versus absolute tense marking in PA
5.6. A comparison of stative verbs in PA and SCV
5.6.1. The stative – nonstative distinction in creoles
5.6.2. Strong vs. weak stative verbs
5.6.3. The class of strong stative verbs
5.6.4. The class of weak stative verbs
5.6.5. Contrastive analysis
5.6.6. Digression: The case of GBC
5.7. Auxiliary verbs
5.7.1. Modal auxiliaries
5.7.2. Copular verbs
5.7.3. Other auxiliaries
5.7.4. Final remarks on auxiliary verbs
5.8. Final remarks on the verbal system
6 Summary and interim analysis of the linguistic results
Introduction
6.1. Predominance of Portuguese-derived function words in PA
6.2. Structural overlap between PA and Upper Guinea PC
6.3. Negative evidence from PLQ and Gulf of Guinea PC
6.3.1. Digression: What sets PA and Upper Guinea PC apart from Gulf of Guinea PC
6.4. Old Portuguese features in PA and Upper Guinea PC
6.5. The value of historical PA and Upper Guinea PC texts
6.6. West-Atlantic and Mande features in PA and Upper Guinea PC
7 The historical ties between Upper Guinea and Curaçao
Introduction
7.1. On the presumed insignificance of Upper Guinea to the history of Curaçao
7.2. The Dutch presence in Senegambia in the 17th century
7.2.1. The Dutch in Gorée
7.2.2. The Dutch on the Petite Côte (Rufisque, Portudal and Joal)
7.2.3. The loss of Gorée and the Dutch retreat from Senegambia
7.2.4. The Dutch ties with Cacheu and the Cape Verde Islands
7.2.5. Final remarks on the Dutch presence in Senegambia in the 17th century
7.3. Dutch slave trade from Upper Guinea to Curaçao
7.3.1. Other factors relevant to the Dutch slave trade from Upper Guinea to Curaçao
7.4. Sephardic Jewish networks linking Upper Guinea to Curaçao
7.4.1. Ties between the Sephardim in Upper Guinea and Amsterdam
7.4.2. Sephardim networks directly linking Upper Guinea to Curaçao
7.4.3. Partnership between the Dutch WIC and the Sephardim
7.5. Diffusion of Upper Guinea PC to the mainland, 16th and 17th centuries
7.6. Summary, conclusions, and final remarks
8 Discussion: The development from Upper Guinea PC to Papiamentu
Introduction
8.1. Sociolinguistic considerations
8.1.1. On the choice of slaves in the early period of Curaçao’s settlement
8.1.2. Sociolinguistic issues relevant to the consolidation of Upper Guinea PC on Curaçao and its diffusion among the (slave) population
8.2. From Upper Guinea PC to PA: a case of rapid relexification towards Spanish
8.2.1. PA, monogenesis, and the notion of relexification in creole studies
8.2.2. From Upper Guinea PC to PA: ‘relexification’ rather than ‘heavy borrowing’
8.2.3. Analyzing Papiamentu as a mixed language
8.2.4. The source(s) of the Spanish elements in PA’s basic content vocabulary
8.3. Summary of the discussion
9 Conclusions
Appendices
References
Index