The author has been first a government functionary working in
Afghan Refugees Commissionerate, and later as research scholar
continuously working on the Afghan problem. He has been
personally a witness to the process of turning the ‘Muhajir
(refugee) into the ‘Mujahid’ (the holy warrior), and the tactics
which were used by intelligences for this purpose. Dr. Marwat has
rightly pointed out that Afghan refugees were welcomed or even
‘pulled’ on the basis of religious faith which, along with the
leverage of the material assistance, made their transformation into
religious fighters easier. Since Pakistan is not signatory to either
the 1951 Geneva Convention of Refugees or 1967 Protocol on the Status
of Refugees, the then Government of Pakistan could prevent any
scrutiny or monitoring of the refugee situation.
The author's information on the functioning of the secretive Afghan
Cell and the Afghan Refugees Commissionerate is very valuable,
as is his insight on the performance of the Inter Services
Intelligence (ISI) in collaboration with CIA and other western
agencies. HE has referred to the massive corruption and
misappropriations in billion of dollars, and the petro-dollars that
were poured into Afghan Jehad from abroad.
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"Foreword: Obscure Dimensions of the Afghan War:
Fought at the climax of the Cold War, the battle between
the Soviet-supported leftist and the US and Western supported
political Islamists in Afghanistan was supposed to be the ‘mother
of all ideological battle’. The whole world was led to believe by
both sides that they were fighting to defend their lofty principles
symbolized by the ‘revolutionaries’ and the ‘mujs’, an affectionate
nickname given to Mujahideen by the by the western press at that
time. Couched in very high-sounding ideological concepts, the
powerful propaganda of the big powers dominated the minds of
most of the people. It was only during the post-Cold War
developments in international politics that some of the inlaid
dimensions of the Afghan war have come to light, enabling many
people to reconsider the history of the Afghan war in a more
objective way.
A huge body of literature has appeared in a various
countries regarding the devastating armed conflict in Afghanistan
in recent years, providing new insights about the actual objectives,
motives, and strategic interests of different regional and
international players in the conflict, beyond their official rhetoric.
For example, there is hardly anything secret anymore about the
formation and execution of the Soviet policy in Afghanistan, as
most of the previously secret material has been declassified and
published by various authors, including some of the senior military
officers who had actually conducted the war. Minutes of the
meeting of Political Bureau of the Soviet Communist Party, in
which the decision to send the Red Army into Afghanistan was
made, are not only published in Russian; their Pashto translation
has also been available for quite some time. This is also the case
with the US and other Western countries, where a number of
publications have laid bare the actual chain of events that had
remained behind the screen. Among others, books like Unholy
Wars by John. K. Cooly, Charlie Wilson’s War by George Crile,
and Ghost Wasrs by Steve Coll present a graphic pictures of the
real motives and roles of different institutions and individuals not
exactly corresponding with the pious noises that they had been
making during the war.
It is very interesting to note, however, that there is very
little in terms of research about the role of Pakistan, which
happened to be the most important regional player in the Afghan
conflict. Some foreign authors have discussed the part played by
Pakistan in the Afghan war, but there is not much available in
terms of indigenous research on the subject. Apart from the wellknown
book Taliban, by the reputed independent author Ahmad
Rashid, most of the other books published on the subject represent
the official version. By now it is quite well known that Pakistan’s
Afghan policy has remained the sole domain of Pakistan Army and
the country’s premier intelligence agency, Inter Service
Intelligence (ISI), which played a fundamental role in shaping and
executing the said policy; that is why it has remained by and large
a clandestine affair. Even the country’s civilian Chief Executives
in the 80s and 90s had no say in formulating our Afghan policy.
The situation has not changed even today. Therefore, there has
been no meaningful or informed public debate on the country’s
policy towards Afghanistan. The experience of the last few years
has decisively proved that Pakistan’s Afghan policy is
fundamentally flawed and counterproductive, as it has turned the
country into a hub of international terrorism, religious extremism,
and the drug trade, and has filled Pakistan with dangerous weapons
in private possession, apart from bringing Pakistan on the wrong
side of Afghan national sentiments. But how can any government
reform the aforementioned policy and take corrective measures
with out first critically analyzing it and holding a public debate on
it?
In this context, the publication of the present research
work, From Muhajir to Mujahid by well-known scholar and
Afghanologist Dr. Fazal-ur-Rahim Marwat, is a welcome
development."
Author(s): Fazal-ur-Rahim Marwat
Publisher: Area Study, Centre Peshawar
Year: 2005
Language: English
Pages: 197
City: Peshawar
Tags: Pakistan; Afghanistan;Taliban; Soviet Union; URSS;USSR;military studies; cultural studies;intelligence, military;political economy;Afghan-Pakistan relations;war;colonialism; imperialism;United States, of North-America;
"The tragedy of 9/11 has been a manifestation of mishandling of
the Afghan imbroglio by CIA and ISI. Out of proportion military
and financial aid and training to Afghan refugees not only
prolonged the unabated Afghan war, but also created and
nourished religious extremism, terrorism and Kalashnikov culture
among the Afghan refugees, their foreign colleagues, and local
population of Pakistan.
The only lesson we should learn from the past blunders and
experience of the Afghan conflict and refugees is that all local or
regional issues and conflicts should be resolved through a political
dialogue with the UN in very dedicated manner, and not through
military options.
The UN and world community should adopt means and
methods to persuade all those countries to sign the refugee
conventions and covenants.
The fall of the Taliban in Afghanistan should be a lesson to all
religio- political parties of Pakistan that the only way to gain
political power is not through violence and the barrel of a gun but
through democratic process and dialogue.
Another important lesson of the 9/11 to all Jehadi and pro-
Jehadi elements is that the Cold War is over, and that no society
can afford to engage in militancy or adventurism in the name of
religion or extremism, or to cross the border for helping the coreligionist
brethrens. There is a cry for Jehad from palace to public
and from masjid (mosque) to mandir (temple) against particular
creed, sect or religious groups, yet not Jehad against corruption,
nepotism, favoritism, violence, terrorism and narcotics. It would be
better for us to create a conducive environment for education and
tolerance, because these are necessary for a credible political
system and for the development of civil society.
Lastly, in Pakistan’s situation, globalisation has only led to the
religious extremism and the marginalisation of state authority, as
well as a failure of the international community to take concrete
and meaningful steps in the direction of diverting its meagre
resources toward the betterment of the developing nations."
(It also contains everything about Afghan jihad of 1979. Title, editorial notice, and contents pages are missing from this file.