Coreference, Modality, and Focus: Studies on the syntax-semantics interface (Linguistik Aktuell Linguistics Today)

Coreference, Modality, and Focus......Page 2
Editorial page......Page 3
Title page......Page 4
LCC data......Page 5
Table of contents......Page 6
Preface......Page 8
1. Introduction......Page 14
2. Imperfective modals......Page 15
3. Modals and the preterit......Page 18
3.1 The epistemic construal......Page 19
3.2 The entailment reading......Page 20
3.3 The counterfactual reading......Page 21
4. Temporal parameters and modality......Page 22
5. Modals and negation......Page 26
6. The perfect......Page 28
References......Page 30
1. Introduction......Page 32
2. Weakest Crossover......Page 35
3. A formalization of the notion of specificity......Page 36
4. Introducing the specificity tests......Page 37
A. Antireconstruction......Page 38
B. Weak island extraction......Page 39
E. Extraction from existential constructions......Page 40
F. Scope reconstruction......Page 42
5. Methodological remarks......Page 43
6.1 A. Antireconstruction......Page 45
6.3 C. Participial agreement in French......Page 46
6.4 D. Clitic doubling in Romanian......Page 47
6.5 E. Extraction from existential constructions......Page 48
6.7 Conclusion......Page 49
7.1 Specificity and LF chains......Page 50
7.2 WCO configurations......Page 52
8.2 Some open empirical issues......Page 54
References......Page 56
1. Introduction......Page 58
2. Islands and minimalism......Page 59
3. CED effects......Page 61
3.1 On freezing effects in SPEC-T......Page 62
3.2 Phase theory and phase edges......Page 67
3.3 More asymmetries on sub-extraction......Page 69
4. Sub-extraction from objects......Page 76
References......Page 81
1. Introduction......Page 84
2. Pseudogapping......Page 85
3.1 The question of alternatives......Page 86
3.2 Kratzer’s (1991) account......Page 88
3.3 Alternatives and contrastiveness: An extension of Kratzer’s (1991) theory......Page 89
4.1.2 Movement of the remnant: Object Shift......Page 91
4.2 The EPP and focus......Page 92
5.1 Focus movement in Hungarian......Page 94
5.2 Exhaustivity in ellipsis......Page 96
5.3 Syntactic focus movement and contrastiveness......Page 97
6. Extension to other ellipsis cases: Sluicing......Page 99
References......Page 100
1. Introduction......Page 102
2. Two types of exclamative sentences......Page 103
3.1 Scope effects in exclamative sentences......Page 109
3.2 Apparent counter examples......Page 112
3.3 Exclamative quantifiers as positive polarity items......Page 115
4. Reconstruction and scope......Page 120
References......Page 123
1. Introduction......Page 126
2. Resumption......Page 127
3. Reconstruction......Page 128
4. Reconstruction and resumption......Page 129
5. The paradox......Page 130
6.1 Type of resumption......Page 132
6.2 Type of binding condition: positive vs. negative......Page 133
6.3 Gap vs. resumption......Page 136
7.1 Syntactic asymmetries: On copy processes......Page 137
7.1.1 Reconstruction with weak resumption via ellipsis......Page 138
7.1.2 Reconstruction with strong resumption via movement......Page 139
7.2.1 Resumptives as definite copies......Page 141
7.2.2 Covariant readings of definite copies......Page 142
References......Page 143
1. Introduction......Page 146
2.1 The affirmative marker sí......Page 148
2.2 Bien as an assertive marker......Page 151
2.3 Bien vs. sí: The illocutionary force of bien......Page 154
3.1 Emphatic affirmation and negative polarity Some puzzling asymmetries......Page 157
3.2 The status of emphatic affirmative markers as wh-operators......Page 159
3.3 The position of the subject in emphatic affirmative sentences......Page 163
3.4 Recapitulation: bien and sí in the articulated CP domain......Page 166
4.1 From bien to bien que......Page 168
4.2 Sí in pre-Comp position......Page 172
4.3.1 Alternative I: que heads FocusP......Page 176
4.3.2 Alternative II: que heads ForceP......Page 178
5. Conclusion......Page 180
References......Page 181
1. Introduction......Page 184
2. The phenomenon......Page 185
3. From Classical Greek to Modern Greek Tracing back some changes in Greek......Page 188
3.1 Delimiting the object of study......Page 189
3.2 Greek and the loss of infinitives......Page 191
3.3 What lies beneath: surviving changes in Mood......Page 192
3.3.1 Loss of subjunctive in infl......Page 193
3.4 Summary......Page 194
4. Complementation: Parataxis, true embedding and hybrid instances......Page 195
5. The analysis......Page 198
6. Conclusions......Page 201
References......Page 202
1. Introduction......Page 204
2. Control and inflected infinitives: Case-driven accounts......Page 207
3. Control and inflected infinitives: Movement accounts......Page 209
4. Control and inflected infinitives: Attract-driven accounts......Page 211
5. Subjunctive obviation: Some background notions......Page 213
6. Subjunctive properties and inflected infinitives......Page 215
7. Inflected infinitives and a sympathetic theory of control......Page 227
References......Page 230
1. Introduction......Page 234
2.1 Epistemic modals scope over tense......Page 236
2.2 The universal hierarchy of functional categories......Page 238
3. Epistemic modals and Force......Page 239
3.1 Epistemics and connected speech......Page 240
3.2.1 Interpretation of declarative Force......Page 241
3.2.2 Syntactic contexts for epistemics and other speech event modifiers......Page 243
3.3.1 Evidential systems......Page 244
3.3.2 Relative tenses......Page 245
4. Modality and Mood......Page 246
5. Summary......Page 248
References......Page 249
Subject index......Page 250
The series Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today......Page 254