Agree to Agree: Agreement in the Minimalist Programme

Contents
Acknowledgments
1 Some remarks on agreement within the Minimalist Programme Peter W. Smith, Johannes Mursell & Katharina Hartmann
1 Introduction
2 Current theoretical debates surrounding agreement
2.1 Features used in agreement and the phenomena accounted for
2.2 Locality of agreement
2.3 The timing of agree
2.4 The direction of agree
2.5 How closely is agree linked to other items?
3 Overview of this book
3.1 Zeijlstra
3.2 Carstens
3.3 Smith
3.4 Kalin
3.5 Marušič and Nevins
3.6 Van der Wal
3.7 D'Alessandro
3.8 Mursell
3.9 Börjesson and Müller
3.10 Diercks, van Koppen and Putnam
3.11 McFadden
3.12 Sundaresan
2 Labeling, selection, and feature checking Hedde Zeijlstra
1 Labeling: The question
1.1 Projection by selection
1.2 Six challenges
1.3 Alternative labeling algorithms
2 Proposal
2.1 Labeling, Merge, and feature percolation
2.2 Formal and categorial features
2.3 Feature checking and feature percolation
3 Application
3.1 Motivation
3.2 Labeling configurations
3.3 Prepositional adjuncts and selectional ordering
3.4 C-selection vs. s-selection
3.5 Multiple arguments
3.6 Abstract Case
3.7 Lexical (super)categories
3.8 DP-internal selection
3.9 Summing up
4 Other syntactic operations
4.1 Agree
4.2 Movement
4.3 Valuation
5 Conclusions
3 Concord and labeling Vicki Carstens
1 Introduction
1.1 The labeling issue
1.2 Where is concord?
1.3 Exclusions and limitations
1.4 Theoretical assumptions
1.5 Structure of the paper
2 A typological divide in genitive constructions
2.1 Concord and low possessors
2.2 Possessor agreement languages
2.3 Interim summary
3 Concord and labeling
3.1 Overview
3.2 Mechanics of concord and concordial labeling
3.3 Romance as covert Type 1?
4 Possessor agreement
5 Genitive pronouns, absence of freezing effects, and a typological gap
5.1 Pronouns bearing concord aren't frozen
5.2 A typological gap
5.3 Labelling by number concord where pronouns surface
5.4 Interim conclusions: pronouns versus lexical possessors
6 Complex cases
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Maasai
6.2.1 The facts and Brinson's 2014 analysis
6.2.2 Maasai vs. canonical Type 1
6.3 Hausa predicate fronting in DP
6.4 Labeling without concord on ‘of’ where N is [+gender]
6.5 Interim summary
7 Case concord
8 Conclusion
4 Object agreement and grammatical functions: A re-evaluation Peter W. Smith
1 Introduction
2 Grammatical functions and agreement
2.1 Subject agreement
2.2 Differential object agreement
3 Khanty and the properties of objects
3.1 Object agreement in Khanty
3.2 Other properties connected to object agreement
3.3 Agreement by grammatical function
3.4 Summary
4 Khanty agreement without GFs
4.1 DOM caused by spell-out domains
4.2 Spell-out domains and Khanty object agreement
4.2.1 What's accessible and inaccessible in the SOD
4.2.2 Monotransitive constructions
4.2.3 Ditransitive constructions and causees
4.3 Summary and discussion
5 A residue of object properties
6 Conclusions
5 Opacity in agreement Laura Kalin
1 Introduction
2 Agreement (in)variability in Senaya
3 Some preliminary notes on the syntax of Senaya
4 The three steps of agreement
5 Transparent agreement?
6 Conclusion
6 Distributed agreement in participial sandwiched configurations Franc Lanko Marušič & Andrew Nevins
1 Introduction
2 Sandwiched coordinated subjects
2.1 Sandwiched configurations
2.2 Theoretically available patterns
2.3 Experimental design
3 Comparisons between sandwiched configurations
3.1 Double CCA vs. postverbal HCA
3.2 Double CCA vs. double HCA
3.3 Double HCA vs. HCA+Def
3.4 Postverbal default vs. highest-default (DEF+DEF and DEF+CCA)
3.5 Postverbal LCA vs. double LCA
4 Consequences for theoretical models
7 The AWSOM correlation in comparative Bantu object marking Jenneke van der Wal
1 Introduction: Bantu object marking
2 Parameters of variation in number of object markers and symmetry
3 Interaction between multiple object markers and symmetry
4 Agree and head movement
5 Multiple object markers as additional low phi probes
6 Multiple object markers as additional higher φ probes
7 Two ways of being symmetric?
8 Conclusions and further research
8 Agreement across the board: Topic agreement in Ripano Roberta D'Alessandro
1 Agreement in Ripano
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Agreement targets: Adverbs
1.3 Agreement targets: Prepositions
1.4 Agreement targets: Nouns
1.5 Agreement targets: Gerunds and infinitives
2 Argumental agreement
2.1 Agreement mismatch with transitive verbs
2.2 What agrees with what: Topic-oriented agreement
2.3 Some microvariational evidence
3 Agreement in upper-southern Italian varieties
3.1 A unified analysis
3.2 An extra φ-set
4 Topic-oriented agreement
4.1 Directionality of agreement
4.2 Agreement with preverbal and postverbal topic
4.3 Focus does not trigger agreement
4.4 Agreement mismatch
4.5 Agreement stacking
4.6 C-agreement in the archaic variety
5 Agreeing with topics
5.1 The complex probe
5.2 The topic is the external argument
5.3 The topic is the internal argument
5.4 Feature spreading/vowel harmony?
5.5 Adverbial agreement
5.6 Agreement within the PP
6 Conclusions
9 Long distance agreement and information structure Johannes Mursell
1 Introduction
2 LDA crosslinguistically
2.1 Nakh-Dagestanian languages
2.2 Algonquian languages
2.3 LDA in Uyghur
3 Previous analyses
3.1 Polinsky & Potsdam (2001)
3.2 Bjorkman & Zeijlstra (2019)
4 LDA conditioned by information structure
5 Conclusion
10 Long-distance agreement and locality: A reprojection approach Kristin Börjesson & Gereon Müller
1 Introduction
2 Existing analyses
2.1 Type (i): Non-local analyses
2.2 Type (ii): Small structure analyses
2.3 Type (iii): Cyclic Agree analyses
2.4 Type (iv): Feeding analyses
2.4.1 Movement feeds agreement
2.4.2 Problems with the feeding approach
2.4.2.1 The nature of covert topic movement
2.4.2.2 Complementizers
2.4.2.3 Topic interpretation within the embedded clause
2.4.2.4 Long-distance agreement across a CP boundary
2.5 Interim conclusion
3 A new analysis
3.1 Head movement as reprojection
3.2 Long-distance agreement by reprojection
3.2.1 Complex predicates
3.2.2 Derivations
3.2.3 Further consequences
4 Conclusion
11 Agree probes down: Anaphoric feature valuation and phase reference Michael Diercks, Marjo van Koppen & Michael Putnam
1 Introduction
2 Germanic CA: Agree probing down
3 Lubukusu CA: Agree probing up?
4 Anaphoric vs. non-anaphoric feature valuation
4.1 Setting the stage for the analysis
4.2 Deriving Lubukusu CA
4.2.1 Step 1: Reducing anaphoric relations to Agree
4.2.2 Step 2: The interpretative effects of CA in Lubukusu vs. CA in Germanic
4.2.3 Step 3: Deriving Lubukusu complementizer agreement
5 Toward an explanation of the PAPA
5.1 Movement of anaphors
5.2 On movement to the edge of the vP phase
5.2.1 Phases as a unit of semantic significance
5.2.2 Toward an ontology of vP structure
5.2.3 Anaphora and underspecification of vP events
5.2.4 Movement of anaphoric φ-features
6 Supporting evidence: CA in Kipsigis
7 Other analyses of Lubukusu CA
8 Conclusions and open questions
12 The morphosyntax of allocutive agreement in Tamil Thomas McFadden
1 Background
1.1 Introduction by example
1.2 On allocutive agreement
1.3 Some relevant properties of Tamil
2 The core data
2.1 The morphophonology of the suffix
2.2 Distribution of allocutive agreement
2.3 Affix ordering and doubling
3 Towards an account
3.1 Theoretical preliminaries
3.2 The proposal
13 Distinct featural classes of anaphor in an enriched person system Sandhya Sundaresan
1 Overview
2 Phi-based views of anaphora
2.1 Theoretical background and motivation
2.2 Anaphora and phi-matching
2.3 Morphological underspecification of anaphors
2.4 Anaphor Agreement Effect (AAE)
3 Complicating the picture
3.1 When phi-features aren't enough: Perspectival anaphora
3.1.1 Sentience, sub-command, subject-orientation
3.1.2 One language, two anaphors
3.2 person-asymmetries in anaphora
3.2.1 PCC effects
3.2.2 Anaphoric agreement
3.2.3 A gap in anaphoric antecedence: 1st/2nd vs. 3rd
4 Proposal: Unequal anaphors
4.1 What is an anaphor?
4.2 A more articulated feature system
4.3 null-person anaphors
4.3.1 Deriving phi-matching (null-person)
4.3.2 Deriving morphological underspecification (null-person)
4.3.3 Deriving the Anaphor Agreement Effect (null-person)
4.4 3rd-person anaphors
4.4.1 Deriving phi-matching (3rd-person)
4.4.2 Deriving morphological underspecification (3rd-person)
4.4.3 Deriving the Anaphor Agreement Effect (3rd-person)
4.5 The 1/2 vs. 3 antecedence gap
4.6 PCC effects and anaphoric agreement: refl anaphors
4.7 Perspectival anaphora
5 Empirical predictions
5.1 φ-matching and its absence
5.2 PCC effects
5.3 AAE and the timing of Agree
5.4 Sentience and animacy effects
Index
Name index